Kolodziejczyk Dariusz. The Crimean Khanate and Poland-Lithuania (ENG)

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734 document 31 (september 1542)

w ziemie wtargnęli, tego roku upominków brać nie będziem, w waszym

dokończeniu tym obyczajem napisano. A jeśliby bez woliej naszej w państwo

wasze wtargnął bądź mały liud,

albo jaki, tedy które by plony przywiedli, od

nich odjąwszy do was odeślemy, i takowych mamy karać.

I wy, brat nasz, król Zigmunt, i wielki król młody, dla przyjaźni braterskiej

każdego roku miesiąca . . .

nas macie upominkami obsyłać, to jest za 13000

złotych czerwonych sukna luńskiego,

a dwa tysiąca

złotych czerwonych

gotowych; i trzy dziewięci upominków; a co za te 13000 złotych czerwonych

sukna, połowicę z państwa lytewskiego,

a połowicę z państwa polskiego.

Każdy postaw oszacowawszy mamy brać po 33 czerwonych złotych. A te

upominki każdy rok miesiąca . . .

do nas tu macie przysyłać. Ta przysięga i

dokończenie na tym jest od nas dla przyjaźni naszej.

Posłowie i gońcy mają chodzić od nas samych, i od synów naszych, od

Amingireya

carowicza, i od inszych carowiczów. Jako i pierwej chadzywali,

i teraz takim że sposobem mają chodzić od tych namienionych caraczeyów.

A tych karaczeyów,

sług po 20000 i po 30000 mają, ich posłowie i gońcy

chadzali,

a teraz ich mamy umniejszać

? Ich posły za przodków, ojców

naszych chodzywali, umniejszać ich nie mamy. Jako od was panowie litewscy,

tak i panowie polscy, abowiem

oni u nas takowymiż pany są. A od inszych

ludzi posłowie chodzić nie mają. A chocia by

byli od inszych ludzi, tedy

abyście ich nie przyjmowali, my to od was wdzięcznie przyjmiemy. Którzy

bez potrzeby przychodzą, wy sami ich przyjmujecie, a jak

nie mają chodzić.

A którzy bez potrzeby przyjadą, tych abyście odpuścili nic im nie dawszy, i

po wtóre aby tacy nie jeździli, abyście wiedzieli.

A który poseł ma do nas być, jako i pierwej upominki bywały knia-

ziom naszym i innym sługom naszym, chocia

upominki synom, żonom, i

dziewkom naszym wszelko spolna

oddacie. My nie mamy posła waszego

żadnego ni w czym hamować,

i sług jego nie będziem, ale go bez omieszka-

nia odprawiem.

B. lud.

e name of the month is missing; cf. notes al and ba below.

In B. corrupt as lanskiego.

B. tysiące.

B. litewskiego.

Empty space is le for the name of the month; cf. notes ah and ba.

B. Amingireia.

In B. corrupt: <d>chodzywali.

B. caraczeiów.

B. karaczeiów; this sentence should rather begin: a ci karaczeyowie.

B. chodzili.

B. umniejszyć.

B. albowiem.

B. chociażby.

B. jakże.

B. chociaż.

B. wszystko spełna.

In B. corrupt: szanować.

B. odprawim.

document 31 (september 1542) 735

I dlia

przyjaźni braterskiej ja sam, i synowie moi carowiczowie, ulani,

kniaziowie, murzowie, wszelką prawdą przysięgamy bratu naszemu, wiel-

kiemu królowi Zigmuntowi, i synowi jego, młodemu królowi. A oni mają

nam każdego roku miesiąca . . .

przysłać 2000 złotych czerwonych i za 13000

upominków sukna. Którego roku nam przyślie,

tego roku szkód czynić nie

mamy. Państwom jego, zamkom, wsiom, żadnych szkód czynić nie mamy

i nie każem czynić. Przysięgamy Jedynemu Bogu, Jego Miłości Machome-

towi Prorokowi, to jest: wallahy wie billahy

wi tellahy—przysięgliśmy, o tym

wiercie.

Pirwejeśmy

napisali tych zamków: Zwinihrod,

Budula, Jewnini, Sinacz,

Chotmyslen,

Uskun. Te zamki ze wszem na wszem, z ziemiami, wodami, i ze

wszemi dochody i pożytkami ich wam, bratu naszemu, królowi Zigmuntowi,

i synowi waszemu Augustowi królowi postępujemy.

I daliśmy ten nasz list pod złotą pieczęcią naszą podle roku ześcia

z tego

świata Machometa Proroka liat 949 roku, od narodzenia Pana Christusowego

roku 1545.

Translation:

e treaty [Pol. pakta] of Sahib Giray Khan with Sigismund etc., Anno Domini

1545:

We commence in the name of God and [invoke] the prophecy of His Excellency,

Prophet Muhammad! As presently, by the grace of dear God we have become

the khan in the place of our father, as our father, Mengli Giray Khan, and our

brother, Mehmed Giray Khan, also us, Sahib Giray Khan, [we announce our

word]:

B. dla.

Empty space is le for the name of the month; cf. notes ah and al above.

B. przyśle.

In A corrupt: nie majemy.

In B. corrupt: hillahy.

In B. corrupt: wiedzcie.

In B. corrupt: przytymeśmy.

B. Zwinogrod.

In B. amalgamated into one place-name: Jewninisinacz.

B. Chotimsten.

B. zejścia.

B. lat dziewięćsetnego czterdziestego dziewiątego roku, od narodzenia Pana Chry-

stusowego roku tysiącznego pięćsetnego czterdziestego piątego.

Sic; this date must be wrong since the Muslim year 949 A.H. lasted from 17 April

1542 till 5 April 1543. e latter dating is conrmed by the reference to Anikij Hor-

nostaj’s embassy that reportedly took place “last year” (see the text below); Hornostaj

performed his last known embassy to the Crimea in 1541.

is standard formula, which was apparently present in the lost original, has

been reconstructed in order to make a better sense.

736 document 31 (september 1542)

[To the commanders]

of our right and le hand, to the ulans, beys [ kniaziom],

and mirzas of our whole state, and to the Ruthenian estates, castles, towns,

monks, laymen,

and all [the people]:

It should be known that our ancestors, when their horses were growing

sweaty [beneath them], would come seeking hospitality [i.e., refuge] to Grand

Duke Vytautas and to the great king Casimir, in the Lithuanian state, and they

enjoyed great sincerity. And our ancestors remained in brotherly friendship

with the great king Casimir, and they mutually exchanged letters of agree-

ment and oaths. [Being] in great, sound, and brotherly friendship with you,

our brother, the great king Sigismund, and your son, the young king and the

grand duke of Lithuania, we too have given our present letter of agreement

[dokończenie] under our golden seal, and [taken] our oath, [granting]:

– rstly Kiev and Čerkasy;

– Great Luc’k along with its estate;

– Polack;

– Braclav;

– Sneporod and Hlyns’k;

– Xoten’, Losyčy, Xotmyšl;

– Kozel’sk;

– the tümen of Saraj’s son, i.e., the land of Jagoldaj;

– Putyvl’ and Radogošč’;

– Brjansk and Starodub.

e aforementioned castles were treacherously taken from our brother by the

[Muscovian] enemy.

God willing, when God helps us to capture these castles

in our hands, we will restore them to you, our brother, [or] to our brother, the

young king. We and our son, Emin Giray Sultan,

and the ulans, beys, and

e text of the Polish translation is corrupt; cf. n. f above.

On the old Ruthenian term belec, see Document 1, n. 2.

Recorded in corrupt forms as Ostreho (cf. Stoprud in Document 28) and Oleni-

sko; on Sneporod and Hlyns’k, cf. Document 8, notes 8–9.

ese estates, situated in the region of Putyvl’ and on the river Vorskla, are listed

in the same order in previous documents; cf. Document 8, notes 13–15.

On this estate, extending between the upper Sejm and the upper Donec rivers,

and its former owner, Jagoldaj, son of Saraj, see Document 8, n. 18.

Recorded in corrupt forms as Batula and Radonisko; listed in the same order in

Document 27.

Two separate clauses of earlier documents are mistakenly mixed together here:

the clause granting the Ruthenian lands to Lithuania and the khan’s promise to assist

the king in regaining his lands captured by the Muscovian grand dukes. In fact, only

a portion of the lands and castles listed above had been lost to Muscovy by 1542.

Emin Giray, the son and qalga of Sahib Giray; in 1539 he headed a raid against

Muscovy, in 1543 commanded the Tatar troops in Hungary, in 1545 was sent against

Astrakhan, and in 1549 against Poland-Lithuania; killed in 1551 by his own servant

(nöker) during the rebellion that resulted in the deposition and execution of his

father; see Gökbilgin, 1532–1577 yılları arasında Kırım Hanlığı’nın siyasî durumu,

document 31 (september 1542) 737

mirzas, have taken oath upon the present letter of agreement, to keep a sound

and brotherly friendship with him [i.e., the young king] and reciprocate the

enmity of the said enemy of ours and yours.

As regards the past wrongful acts committed by both sides, we release them

from our hearts. We want to keep [the peace] sincerely and truly, so that

upon hearing this our friends should rejoice, and our enemies should tremble

with fear.

And while such friendship lasts between us, the merchants from Lithuania

and the merchants from Poland may come [to our domains]. ey may freely

come to our state and depart, and buy and sell in all our domains wherever

they wish, and nobody should bring them any harm or damage. Having paid

the toll according to the law, your subjects, our brother, may take salt from a

saline,

transport it to any of your castles and sell wherever they wish. And,

while this brotherly friendship lasts, if anybody harms your merchants or the

envoys, who are to come, we should punish such individuals, so that our brother

should [likewise] punish such evildoers in his state. And for the sake of [our]

brotherly friendship, if poor or rich [merchants] arrive at Perekop [i.e., in the

Crimean Khanate] from Lithuania or Poland, nobody should disturb them;

having paid the toll for their goods according to the custom, they may freely

conduct their trade.

And regarding the letter of agreement [dokończenie] that was brought last

year by Pan Hornostaj,

[it provided that] if they [i.e., the Tatars] raid [your

lands] in a given year, you do not have to send gis due that year. us was

written. [As for us, we engage that] our sons and qaraçıs will not set out along

with our troops without our consent. But if one year anybody along with our

troops, or we in person invade [your] lands, then we will not receive the gis

due that year; thus was written in your letter of agreement. And if some indi-

viduals—few people or else—invade your state without our consent, then we

will conscate the captives that they bring and send back to you, and we should

punish such individuals.

And you, our brother, king Sigismund, and the young great king, should send

us gis for the sake of [our] brotherly friendship, each year in the month of . . .;

pp. 19, 28, 35–39; Kolankowski, “Problem Krymu w dziejach jagiellońskich,” p. 295;

Hajvoronskyj, Poveliteli dvux materikov, vol. 1, p. 229.

e Polish translator regarded the Turkish term çorqa (“saline”) as a place-name

Czorka (hence in the locative: na Czorce); the term also appears in a later document

in Turkish; cf. Document 34. Like in the earlier documents, this paragraph refers to

the Black Sea salines near Kačybej; cf. also Document 28, n. 14.

On Anikij (Onikiej) Hornostaj, see Document 19, n. 4 and Document 30; the

khan apparently refers here to his last embassy from 1541. e provision releasing the

king from sending gis in a year when a Tatar raid occurred was negotiated between

Hadji Ali and the Polish lords in Cracow; see Document 29, article 12. e khan

refers here to that provisory instrument or rather its solemn royal conrmation that

was probably brought by Hornostaj to the Crimea in 1541 but whose text has not

been preserved.

e name of the month is missing (cf. notes 17–18 below).

738 document 31 (september 1542)

namely London cloth

worth 13,000 golden orins [złotych czerwonych] and

2,000 golden orins in cash [złotych czerwonych gotowych]; and [besides,]

three sets of nine gis [trzy dziewięci upominków];

and as concerns the cloth

worth 13,000 golden orins: one half [should be given] from Lithuania, and

another half from Poland. We should accept each piece [postaw]

[of cloth] as

being worth 33 golden orins. And you should send us these gis each year in

the month of. . . .

Our present oath and letter of agreement are based on the

above and eected for the sake of our friendship.

Envoys and couriers should be sent [to you] by us and our sons: Emin Giray

Sultan and other sultans. As they used to be sent formerly, also now they should

be sent likewise by the aforementioned sultans. And as regards the qaraçıs, they

have each 20,000 or 30,000 servants and they used to send envoys and couriers;

should we now reduce their number [i.e., the number of their envoys]? ey

used to send envoys in the times of our ancestors and fathers, we cannot reduce

their number. As you have the Lithuanian and Polish lords at your side, so they

are their peers at our side. But other people should not send envoys. And even

if [envoys] are sent by other people, you should not receive them and we will

gladly accept it. If you receive those who come without any reason, they will not

stop coming. So if they come without any reason, you should send them back

with empty hands so that they should not come again; thus you should know.

And if you send us an envoy, you should send [through him] altogether

customary gis for our beys and other servants, as well as our sons, wives, and

daughters. We should not detain any of your envoys, or his servants, but we

should send him back without delay.

On the term “London cloth,” see Document 26, n. 5.

e term dziewięć (“nine,” devet or devjat’ in Ruthenian and Russian sources)

reected the Turco-Mongolian custom, according to which a gi should have con-

sisted of nine objects, whereas this number was considered sacred. By the 17th cen-

tury, the custom to give nine gis was known from Eastern Europe to Tibet; cf.

Khodarkovsky, Where Two Worlds Met. e Russian State and the Kalmyk Nomads,

1600–1771, pp. 26 and 61. To give one example, in 1496 the Lithuanian treasury pre-

pared (but did not sent) three sets of nine gis to be sent to Mengli Giray: the rst

“nine” consisted of three fur coats, one bunch of forty sable furs, two bunches of forty

marten furs (counted as one gi), and four fur linings, the second “nine” of nine

pieces (postaws) of cloth, and the third “nine” of nine cloths; see Xoroškevič, Rus’ i

Krym, p. 254. According to Mária Ivanics, by the early 16th century the term devjatye

pominki (“gis of nine”) had disappeared from the sources and was replaced simply by

pominki (“gis”); cf. Ivanics, “Entstehung und Quellenwert der krimtatarischen tiyiş

deers,” AO ASH 47 (1994): 105–112, esp. p. 106. Yet, as we see, the term itself was not

forgotten (see also Document 32, n. 25). As late as in 1607, the Polish royal chancery

prepared a list containing “three sets of nine gis” (troja dziewięć upominków) for

Khan Ghazi II Giray; see Biblioteka PAN w Krakowie, ms. 1690, fol. 63b. A request

to send him gis, arranged in sets of nine objects, was likewise expressed by Khan

Bahadır Giray in 1640; see Document 55, n. 13.

On the term postaw, see Document 26, n. 5.

Empty space is le for the name of the month (cf. notes 13 and 18).

document 31 (september 1542) 739

And for the sake of [our] brotherly friendship I, and my sons, the sultans,

and the ulans, beys, and mirzas, truly swear [to keep this agreement] to our

brother, the great king Sigismund, and to his son, the young king. And they

should send us each year in the month of . . .

2,000 golden orins and the gis

in cloth worth 13,000. If he sends us [the said gis], then in that year we are

not to cause damage [to him]. We should not and will not cause any damage

to his states, castles, and villages.

We swear to one God and His Excellency Prophet Muhammad: by God, with

God, and through God!

—thus we swore and thus you should believe.

And previously we wrote down the following castles:

– Zvynyhorod;

– Putyvl’;

– Žolvaž;

– Synec;

– Xotmyšl, and Oskol;

—we cede the above castles in their entirety, along with their lands, waters, and

all their incomes and prots to you, our brother, King Sigismund, and your

son, King Augustus.

We have issued our present letter under our golden seal in the year 949 since

the departure of Prophet Muhammad from this world,

1545 [sic] since the

birth of Lord Christ.

Empty space is le for the name of the month (cf. notes 13 and 17 above).

e Arabic formula vallahi ve billahi ve tallahi is correctly rendered in the Pol-

ish text.

e localities listed below are listed in the document from 1539 (cf. Document

28) but omitted (except for Putyvl’ and Xotmyšl) in the present document in the frag-

ment referring to the lands “granted” to Lithuania (see above). Apparently the scribe

noticed the omission or it was pointed out by the royal envoy, hence the missing

localities were entered here. Putyvl’ and Xotmyšl are mistakenly recorded twice.

Registered in a corrupt form as Jewnini; its tentative identication is based on

the order of localities in the earlier documents; Žolvaž was an estate in the region of

Putyvl’; cf. Document 8, n. 10.

An estate on the river Sula; cf. Document 8, n. 12.

On Xotmyšl, erroneously registered twice (for the rst time in a corrupt form as

Chotensko), see n. 6 above. Oskol (here recorded in a corrupt form as Uskun) once

belonged to the tümen of Jagoldaj; see Document 8, notes 18–19.

Sic; of course it should refer to the Hegira and not Muhammad’s death. e

Muslim year 949 A.H. lasted from 17 April 1542 till 5 April 1543. Judging by the

fact that Sigismund ocially acknowledged the arrival of the Crimean embassy in his

solemn response to the Tatar envoy dated 12 October 1542, we may assume that the

khan’s document was probably issued in September 1542; cf. the royal letter published

in Russkaja Istoričeskaja Biblioteka, vol. 30, cols. 81–84.

Sic; cf. n. 1 above.

DOCUMENT 32 (MAY 1552)

e donation yarlıq cum şartname (dokončan’e alias lyst prysjažnyj)

sent by Khan Devlet Giray to King Sigismund Augustus

e original document is missing.

Ruthenian copies:

A. RGADA, fond 389 = Litovskaja metrika, no. 591, fol. 100a–106b [old

foliation: 101a–107b].

Published in Kniga posol’skaja, vol. 1, pp. 65–70.

A.* 18th-century Latin script transcription: AGAD, Metryka Litewska,

no. 215, pp. 152–162.

А то доконъчанье в тот же часъ присланое:

Пан Бог початъкомъ естъ в кождои речи справедливои!

Великое Ѡрды великии царъ Давлетъ Киреи цар слово:

Починаемъ напред божъимъ именемъ; ꙗ, з ласки и з моцы божъи цар

Давлетъ Киреи, ꙋмыслилъ и почалъ есьми з ласки бозскии, хотѧчи

по бозскому зволеню братъскую а верную приѧзнь и слово свое без

жаднои льстивости полънить, кгды Пан Богъ рачилъ намъ дати тую

ласку свою бозскую видет, а того ꙗснеи дочекать, и ѡставить насъ на

томъ местцꙋ царскомъ, на которомъ продкове наши были старии: дедъ

нашъ небощикъ славъное памети Менъли Кереи цар, а братъ мои

старшии небощикъ Магъметъ Киреи цар, дѧдько мои Сагапъ Киреи

царъ, а ꙗ естемъ по нихъ Давлетъ Киреи царъ.

Ѡзънаимую самъ ѡтъ себе и ѡтъ всихъ верныхъ нашихъ, котории

намъ служать правою и левою рꙋкою—ꙋланове, кнѧзи, и мꙋрзы, тымъ

нашимъ доконъчаньемъ кнѧжатомъ рꙋскимъ, замъкомъ, местомъ, мит-

рополитомъ, владыкомъ, черньцомъ и бельцомъ, попом и мещаномъ, и

всимъ посполитымъ людем:

Мы то ꙗвне чинимъ, што предки наши, цари: великии цар Меньли

Кгереи цар, а братъ нашъ старшии небощикъ Магметъ Киреи царъ,

Сагапъ Киреи цар, предкове наши, дедъ нашъ Ачъ Киреи цар, коли

конѧ своего потного, тогды приехалъ до великого кнѧзѧ Витовъта, и

до великого королѧ Казимира к Великому Паньствꙋ Литовъскому ꙋ

гостину, в тотъ час великую ꙋчъту и почътливость мели. А такъ вод-

лугъ первшого ѡбычаю земль рꙋскихъ городовъ и местъ, и волостеи, и

тмы, и зо въсими ꙋходы ихъ написали есьмо, ничого не ꙋпослежаючи

ѡтъ листу предковъ нашихъ цареи старих, ꙗко за предковъ нашихъ

писываны были листы и доконъчаньѧ под присегами ихъ ведлугъ ста-

родавного ѡбычаю, мы тежъ докончанье под присегою нашою дали

document 32 (may 1552) 741

водлꙋгъ того ѡбычаю, ꙗко предокъ и ѡтецъ нашъ, небощикъ Меньли

Киреи царъ королю Казимирꙋ и великому кнѧзю былъ далъ, [и] в

тотъ часъ, коли корол Жикгимонтъ з великимъ кнѧземъ

братомъ

нашим ꙋ братъскои доброи приѧзни межи собою ѡстали. Мы тежъ

поновлѧючи то, абы было паньство ведлугъ першого звычаю и слова

заховано, дали есмо листъ нашъ золотомъ написаныи под золотыми

нашими печатьми брату нашому, великому королю Жикгимонъту

Авъгустꙋ, и великому кнѧзю литовъскому, и сыномъ его и потомъ-

комъ, держати справедливе: а почонъши ꙋ головахъ Киевъ, Черкасы,

Каневъ, Ꙋрꙋчовъ, Житомир, и вси городы и волости, земли, и воды, и

[с] всѧкими доходы и пожитъками ихъ; Великое Луцъко з волостѧми,

зъ земълѧми, и зъ водами, и зо въсими пожитъки и доходы; Поло-

цъко, Витебскъ; и вси городы поднепръские почонъ з верхꙋ ажъ до

ꙋстьѧ, и зъ землѧми, и з водами, и з многими доходы и пожитъки

ихъ; Сокаль з многими земълѧми, и водами, и зо въсими пожитъки и

доходы ихъ; Звинигород зъ земълѧми, зъ водами, зо всими пожитки и

доходы; Браславль, Веница з тмами и зо въсими доходы и пожитъки

ихъ; Степруд,

Меньскъ;

Золвашъ, Бꙋдꙋла зъ землѧми, з водами;

Бринтежъ,

Хотинъ, Лучычын, Хотмышлеи, Ꙋскулъ зъ земълѧми,

зъ водами; Козельско тменъ; Сараꙋкгул

Ꙗколътаи тьмень—

брата нашого, великого королѧ которие городы и замъки, которие

прислꙋхают ку паньству его, бꙋдь дерево, лесы, земли, и воды, и мно-

гии пожитки и доходы, где течеть и ꙋканеть, к великомꙋ паньству

литовъскому прислꙋхають.

Мы тои речи порадивъши сѧ изъ сыномъ нашимъ, калъкга солъта-

номъ, и з ыншими царевичи, и з ꙋланы, и зо въсими кнѧзи и мꙋрзы

нашими, моцне есьмо присегу из ними на томъ ꙋчинили, хотечи из

братомъ нашимъ, великимъ королем Жикгимонътомъ Авъгустомъ,

и великимъ кнѧземъ литовъскимъ, ꙋ верънои правъде и в доброи

приѧзни быти на веки. И сынове наши и потомъкове ихъ зъ сыны

брата нашого, з ꙋнучаты и потомъки ихъ межи собою ꙋ братъскои

приѧзни мають быти. А маемъ приꙗтелю его приѧтелемъ быти, а

неприѧтелю его неприѧтелемъ, и где бы кольвекъ неприѧтель его

былъ, тут маемъ напротивъ томꙋ неприѧтелеви за ѡдинъ быть, и

напротивъку его за ѡдно стоѧть.

А которые замки и волости, и земли кнѧзь великии московъскии

под свою рꙋкꙋ забралъ за предковъ королѧ, брата нашого: славъное

Perhaps it should read царемъ?

It should read Снепруд.

It should read Глиньскъ.

Apparently this corrupt place-name resulted from the erroneous amalgama-

tion of two place-names: Берынъ/Бирин and Синецъ; cf. Document 27 and earlier

documents.

e word Сараꙋкгул recorded in Cyrillic script apparently reects the Turkish

patronymic Sarayoġlu, i.e., “Saray’s son.”

742 document 32 (may 1552)

памети Казимира, и брата его королѧ Алексанъдра, и за королѧ

Жикгимонъта, ѡтъца королѧ Авъгустова, через свои зрадливыи пос-

тупъ, ѡтъ паньства королѧ брата нашого ѡтышло, мы тежъ Пана

Бога вземши собе на помочъ, с тыхъ замъковъ, которые кольвекъ з

рꙋкъ его возмемъ, тотъ замокъ и волости, земли, и воды ꙗ, Давлетъ

Киреи царъ, и калкга солътанъ, и инъшие царевичи, ꙋланы, кнѧзи, и

мꙋрзы з божъею помочъю, што Панъ Богъ намъ допоможеть з рꙋкъ

московъского взѧти, мы тые городы маемъ брату нашому, великомꙋ

королю Жикгимонъту Авъгустꙋ подати, и напротивъку неприꙗтелѧ

его московъского, и на инъшихъ неприѧтелеи его всихъ стоѧти, за

ѡдинъ быть. И где бы братꙋ нашомꙋ была потреба, ꙗ самъ своею

ѡсобою, Давлетъ Киреи цар, и зъ братьею своею, и зъ сынъми

нашими, и зо всимъ воискомъ нашимъ хочемъ быть помочъны. Ѡтъ

тыхъ часовъ теперешънихъ и приидꙋчихъ, и на потомъные часы по

тому жъ бꙋдемъ помогати.

А которие злые вчинъки были, або и бывали перед тымъ, за ста-

рого королѧ Казимира, за великого кнѧзѧ, и дѧдька вашого королѧ

Ѡльбрахта, и королѧ Алексанъдра, в тотъ часъ ꙋ паньства ваши, ꙗко

до Корꙋны Польское и до Великого Кнѧзства Литовъского, за Могъ-

метъ Киреѧ цара, ѡтъ предковъ нашихъ, ѡто всихъ ꙋлановъ, кнѧзеи,

и мꙋрзъ, и ѡтъ некоторихъ слугъ нашихъ, ꙋ паньствахъ вашихъ на

тот часъ шкоды немалые деивали се; а ведьже ѡни тые ихъ все злые

вчинки на сторону ѡтъкладываемъ,

и ѡ малую речъ межи собою не

завоживали сѧ, и в серцахъ своихъ прошлыхъ речеи не задерживали,

котории злыи речи сѧ починовали ѡтъ братьи нашое и ѡтъ иншихъ

людеи, што сѧ на ѡнъ часъ деивало. А такъ брате нашъ, Жикгимонъте

Авъгусте королю, ѡсел еси на местъцꙋ предъковъ: и ѡтъца своего

Жикгимонта королѧ, а королѧ Казимира, и дѧдька вашого Ѡлбрахта

королѧ, и Ѡлексанъдра королѧ, а такъ и мы з вами братомъ нашимъ,

королемъ Жикгимонътомъ Авъгустомъ, по тому жъ хочемъ быти:

длѧ таковыхъ лихих речеи мы в жадную неприѧзнь межи собою захо-

дить сѧ не маемъ, и все тое з мыслу и з серъдец своихъ выступити

маемъ, абы неприѧтели наши то слышачи и видечи того сѧ страшили,

а приѧтели наши в том сѧ радовали и потешали, тую приѧзнь нашу

межи нами видечи.

А такъ ꙗ, Давлетъ Киреи цар, бꙋдꙋчи в моцы своеи, брату нашому,

Жикгимонъту Авъгустꙋ королю полециломъ сѧ ꙋ доброи а вернои

братъскои приѧзни быть, и позволиломъ на то, абы купъцы ꙗко с

Корꙋны Польское, такъ тежъ и з Великого Кнѧства Литовъского

вольность мели по земли нашои куповать, и с тою вольностю приехати

и ѡтъехати, и ни в чомъ никого сѧ не боѧчи, а до Кочибиѧ по соль

ездити и брать, и водлугъ ѡбычаю стародавъного мыто давати; а с

Киева, з Лꙋцъка, и з ынъшихъ городовъ по соль приежъдчати мають

It should read ѡтъкладывали.

document 32 (may 1552) 743

за сторожою людеи нашихъ. А естли бы имъ берꙋчи сол ѡтъ нашихъ

людеи шкода се стала, ѡкромъ козаковъ вашихъ, тогды мы тую шкодꙋ

вамъ, брату нашомꙋ, заплатимъ. И инъшимъ всимъ вашимъ купъ-

цомъ, бꙋдь с Корꙋны Полское, и тежъ з Великого Кнѧзства Литовъс-

кого, ꙗкъ богатому, такъ и ꙋбогому, вольно до Каѳы и до Перекопа

ехати, мыто заплативъши.

Ꙗко есьмо и в листе своемъ то ѡписали, мы то кождого часу слово

свое полънити хочемъ, ничимъ с него не выстꙋпꙋючи. А такъ ꙗко

и теперешънего часу, водлꙋгъ доконъчаньѧ нашого братью свою,

сыновъ моихъ зъ воискомъ моимъ на неприѧтелѧ вашого московъс-

кого пошлемъ. И тыи городы, и села, и земли, которие кнѧзѧ великого

московъского ѡтецъ забралъ ѡтъ Великого Кнѧзства Литовъского, з

божъею помочю, кгды тыи замъки бꙋдꙋть ѡтъ неприѧтелѧ ѡтобраны,

тогъды мають быти ѡтъ насъ даны братꙋ нашомꙋ Жикгимонътꙋ

королю Авъгусту, великомꙋ кнѧзю литовъскому, и к паньству его,

Великому Кнѧзствꙋ, маеть быти привлащоно. И напротивъ кожъдого

неприѧтелѧ его маемъ за ѡдинъ быти.

И кгды даст ли Богъ, и наперед царевичовъ, ꙋлановъ, кнѧзеи, мꙋрзъ,

из великимъ воискомъ нашимъ бꙋдемъ слати в землю неприѧтелѧ

нашого московъского, и на инъшие неприѧтели, гдекольвекъ братъ

нашъ, Жикгимонтъ Авъгустъ король потребовать бꙋдеть, ведлꙋгъ

доконъчаньѧ нашого. А в паньство брата нашого, Жикгимонъта

Авъгуста королѧ, ꙗкъ до Корꙋны Польское, такъ и до Великого

Кнѧзства Литовъского, ꙗкъ великого воиска, такъ тежъ и малого

не маем ꙋсылати, козаковъ и инъшихъ с простых людеи не бꙋдемъ

посылати.

Ꙗ самъ, Давлетъ Киреи царъ, и сынъ нашъ коалка солътанъ,

и инъшие сынове наши царевичи, и Рада наша: кнѧзи корачиеве,

ꙋланы, кнѧзи, и мꙋрзы, и козаковъ и всихъ людеи посполитыхъ не

бꙋдемъ посылати, и бꙋдемъ того з великою пильностю стеречи, абы

ꙗко Корꙋне Польскои, такъ и Великому Кнѧзству Литовъскому, ꙗко

замъкомъ далекимъ и ꙋкраинымъ, городомъ, волостѧмъ, и селомъ,

тымъ ѡбеюмъ паньствамъ шкоды жаднои не было никгды на вечные

часы, абы таѧ присега з братомъ нашимъ, Жикгимонътомъ Авъгус-

томъ королемъ, на вечъные часы была держана, ꙗко есьмо присегъ-

нули на вечъныи часы ее сꙋпокоине держати и слово наше полънити.

А што ꙗ, Давлетъ Киреи царъ самъ ѡсобою своею, сыны и братꙗ

мои царевичи, Рада: кнѧзи карачееве, и вланы, мꙋрзы, и все воиско

великое и малое, и козаки и посполитые люди з моего паньства и с

царства моего ꙋ брата моего, великого королѧ, ꙋв обоѧ паньства вое-

вати и шкоды чинити не поидꙋть; и к томꙋ тежъ козаки белогородс-

кие, и ѡчаковъские, и ѡзовъские воевать не бꙋдуть, и з людеи моихъ

с кримъскихъ приставъши злꙋчивъши сѧ, слово зъединочивъши, в

паньство его вторгнувъши шкодꙋ бъ мели вчинити, ꙗ таковыхъ бꙋдꙋ

грозно ꙋнимати. И не кажꙋ брата своего паньства воевати, ꙗкъ сво-

имъ козакомъ, такъ белогородцомъ, и ѡчаковъцомъ, и ѡзовъскимъ

козакомъ, и своимъ людемъ з ними злꙋчати сѧ, ихъ ѡтъ того моцъю