Ruderman David B. Early Modern Jewry: A New Cultural History

Подождите немного. Документ загружается.

154 C H A P t e r f o U r

from the heretics. Abraham segre similarly grasped that

all fellow rabbis were under siege and needed to act in

concert in suppressing their local interests and loyalties

on behalf of the greater good: “

for

in matters pertain-

ing to Jewish law we [the rabbinate] are members of

one city.”

segre’s deant declaration offers the clearest

expression of an awareness of a pan-

european

Jewish

community and an idealized unied rabbinate of Ash-

kenazic,

sephardic,

and

italian

rabbis. And

emden’

forceful separation of an authentic Christianity from an

authentic Judaism, delegitimating the hybrid religion of

the sectarians, illustrates well the orthodox posture of

the rabbinical opponents of

sabbateanism.

the

consciousness of rabbinic unity was also rein-

forced by the publication of extensive documentation

about the “sins” of the indels so as to record for poster-

ity the war of words the

sabbatean crisis had engendered

and the hoped-for victory of the rabbis, the “repairers of

the breaches.” Jacob

sasportas’

s Z

at Novel Z

evi (

the

fading flower

of Z

evi) was surely the model of a mas-

sive collection of historical documents on the travesties

of the

sabbateans.

Jacob

emden’

s Torat ha-Kena’ot (

the

teaching of

Jealousy [Numbers 5:29]) performed a simi-

lar function, substantiating his charges against those he

deemed the enemies of faith.

other

rabbis consciously

collected published and unpublished materials; as

sam-

son

Morpurgo of Ancona wrote to his colleagues con-

cerning the H

ayon controversy, “

send

me all the books

that have been published hitherto, and those that will be

published in the future pertaining to this controversy

. . .

the full and complete editions.

will store them in my

library as a keepsake for generations.”

these

rabbis saw

themselves as litigants before the court of public opinion

C r i s i s o f r A B B i N i C A U t H o r i t y 155

that included other rabbinic colleagues but also lay lead-

ers and even Christians fascinated by the reworks ig-

niting the Jewish community.

their

efforts on behalf of

the rabbinic establishment would be crowned with suc-

cess if they meticulously recorded and documented the

crimes of their generation and their courageous efforts

to stand together to preserve rabbinic Judaism as they

understood it.

sabbateanism and the other Crises of early

Modernity:

some tentative Conclusions

Until now we have focused exclusively on the sabbatean

menace, especially the well-publicized affairs of H

ayon,

Luzzatto, and

eybeschütz

of the rst half of the eigh-

teenth century in describing the crisis of Jewish life.

from

the perspective of the beleaguered religious estab-

lishment, as we have seen, these events were indeed cri-

ses that called for a total and unied response, bringing

together all communities throughout the Jewish world

in a show of strength against the heretics.

this

chapter

began by mentioning several other so-called crises of the

seventeenth and eighteenth centuries besides that of the

sabbateans. Before concluding this discussion, we need

to ask whether it is possible to link the internal Jewish

crisis in the name of

shabbetai

evi with the larger intel-

lectual crisis engendered by Benedict de

spinoza

and his

contemporaries and followers.

Can one be more ex-

plicit in arguing that both crises took place more or less

simultaneously (

shabbetai

evi appeared in 1666, and

spinoza’

s Theological-Political Treatise was published in

1670) and shared some (unnamed) causes?

spinoza,

course, was born into a converso family who had settled

156 C H A P t e r f o U r

in the Jewish community of Amsterdam and received a

traditional Jewish education. His impressive mastery of

Jewish sources is well known.

furthermore,

recent schol-

ars of

spinoza

have made much of his Jewish

/converso

connections.

sharing a common attitude toward the

obsolescence of rabbinic law were two other contem-

poraries of

spinoza,

Juan de Prado and Uriel da Costa,

the latter writing an impressive critique of Jewish law.

Beyond these three outspoken critics of the rabbinic po-

sition, one scholar has unearthed a small group of Am-

sterdam Jews accused of so-called Karaite tendencies

at the beginning of the eighteenth century who eventu-

ally converted.

despite

the attractiveness of the image

of Karaism to some Christian Hebraists like

richard

simon,

the reality of a genuine ideological movement

challenging rabbinic Judaism, a kind of Jewish Protes-

tantism, seems most unlikely to him.

Another contem-

porary Hebrew work, the Kol Sakhal (

voice of

fool),

most likely written by the

italian

rabbi Leon Modena,

offers a remarkable in-house critique of the foundations

of rabbinic Judaism, but it need not be linked to con-

verso heterodoxy in Amsterdam at all.

it is not only difcult to tie spinoza with any sizable

number of contemporary ideological critics of tradi-

tional Judaism in Amsterdam or beyond but difcult to

trace the evolution of deistic or

spinozist

trends among

sephardic

intellectuals after his lifetime.

the only well-

known reaction to

spinoza

among contemporary Jews

was the rebuttal of his views by

isaac orobio

de Castro.

the

London rabbi

david

Nieto was accused of

spinozist

leanings

in 1703, but it is clear that he was wrongly ac-

cused.

Most recently, another scholar has assiduously

collected the existing evidence surrounding a colorful

C r i s i s o f r A B B i N i C A U t H o r i t y 157

group of Jewish deists across the continent and england

to support his contention of a wide-ranging secularizing

trend among Jews in the eighteenth century.

But these

individuals, like the so-called Karaites mentioned in Am-

sterdam, hardly constitute a signicant organized group

conspicuously associated with the

spinozist

trends so

prominent across

europe.

the

many references to athe-

ists, deists,

epicureans,

and other deviants from rabbinic

Judaism that have so far been unearthed are not easy to

contextualize precisely or to assess their impact on the

larger community. H

agiz and

emden

were also prone to

conating

sabbateans

with other heretics, blurring the

differences between

sabbatean

enthusiasts and those of-

fering a philosophical challenge to religious orthodoxy.

may be plausible to assume that Jews inevitably

would be dragged into the intellectual arena of

spi-

nozism

that pervaded

european

society and signicantly

provoked the radical enlightenment, but the evidence

for this activity on a massive or public scale has not yet

been unearthed. Modern Jewish thought from Moses

Mendelssohn on is certainly a direct or indirect response

spinoza’

s devastating assault on traditional Judaism,

but the Jewish responses to

spinoza

in the late seven-

teenth and early eighteenth centuries remain generally

unknown. Perhaps a conspiracy of silence was the most

effective response Jews could offer to counter the acute

heretical tendencies ever present in the environments

they inhabited, but this is no more than conjecture.

the

Jewish

upheaval remains virtually unconnected to the

spinozist crisis of the same time period.

What

remain to be stressed are the common con-

ditions under which

shabbetai

evi and Benedict de

spinoza emerged in the second half of the seventeenth

158 C H A P t e r f o U r

century and the common results they achieved. Both

were patently linked to the converso experience;

sab-

bateanism

and

spinozism

in general were nurtured in

Amsterdam itself; and both represented two kinds of

enthusiasm, generating ideologies that challenged the

legitimacy of rabbinic norms and rabbinic authority.

the

end, both converge in remarkably interesting ways,

although it is impossible to weigh them equally as fac-

tors in the collapse and deterioration of rabbinic author-

ity at least before 1750.

is equally risky to posit any meaningful connections

between the other well-known economic and political

crises of the seventeenth century discussed by social and

economic historians nearly a half century ago.

Pre-

cisely during the years in which this crisis was taking

place (1650 or earlier), Jews seem to have been experi-

encing the height of their political and economic inte-

gration into western

europe.

on the other hand, the

Jews of eastern

europe

had experienced a signicant

trauma in 1648 with the onset of the Chmielnicki mas-

sacres although they eventually recovered their losses

and regained much of their autonomy and economic

power years later. While the connections between the

Jewish crises of 1648 and 1666 and those larger insti-

tutional and societal crises seem most opaque, their

coincidence is surely worth noting.

the absence of

specic evidence binding the Jewish phenomenon to a

general cultural or political crisis, it is sufcient to note

the genuinely shared human condition experienced by

Jews and Christians alike and the remarkably common

perception particularly felt by their religious and politi-

cal leadership of living through an era of crisis that they

could neither control nor arrest.

five

MiNGLed ideNtities

n many grounds the rabbis of the late seven-

enth and early eighteenth centuries had

reason to feel anxious. Along with the unmanageable

explosion of knowledge triggered by printed books, the

curtailment of their authority by lay leaders and gov-

ernmental ofcials, and the

sabbatean

threat described

in chapter 4, they also witnessed with horror another

troubling phenomenon: the recurrent and conspicuous

boundary crossings between Judaism and Christianity

(and sometimes, as in the case of the

dönmeh,

between

Judaism and

islam) on the part of a small but conspicu-

ous

number of Jews and Christians. When Jewish iden-

tity became a matter of personal volition rather than

imposed communal will; when apostasy was advocated

as an agency of messianic renewal; when certain Chris-

tians attempted to recover their spiritual roots through

an intense exposure to Judaism while certain Jews found

social intimacy with Christians and spiritual nourish-

ment in their faith more attractive than ever the pos-

sibilities for Jewish-Christian syncretistic thinking and

praxis were signicantly enhanced.

decades

before the

late-eighteenth-century

enlightenment,

Jews and Chris-

tians were encountering each other in public and pri-

vate places, in intellectual forums, and in radical and

160 C H A P t e r f i v e

spiritualist movements. And certain individuals were ac-

tually shaping a personal identity drawn simultaneously

from each of the faith communities.

My goal in this chapter is to describe succinctly the

simultaneous appearance of four interrelated develop-

ments that emerge as discrete phenomena but ultimately

converge to create a new complexity, an utter confusion

of confessional loyalties and religious identities.

for

the

sake of this analysis,

will separate each of these four

distinct trends before reconnecting them again.

the Ambiguity of Converso Lives

i begin with the converso phenomenon, a primary fac-

tor in the erosion of social and religious boundaries that

traditional Christian and Jewish authorities had erected

for centuries. As several historians have previously ar-

gued, the religious and cultural ambiguity of Jewish

self-denition rst became an acute problem in early

modern

europe

with the reintegration of the conversos

into Jewish life in

italy

, northern

europe,

and the

otto-

man

empire.

for New Christians who fully returned

to Judaism, their rite of passage was neither simple nor

complete.

they retained consciously or unconsciously

deeply ingrained attitudes to and associations with their

distant past, both religious notions and ethnic loyalties

that in most cases they could not dislodge.

for

New

Christians who exited the

iberian

Peninsula but hesi-

tated to publicly acknowledge the Jewish faith, lingering

in a transitional state between Judaism and Christian-

ity, religious and ethnic self-perceptions were even more

complex.

one adds to this condition the highly secu-

larized lifestyle of many of them, with their ever tenuous

M i N G L e d i d e N t i t i e s 161

connections to ritual life and the synagogue, then it is

easy to understand the genuine fears and anxieties of

their religious leaders.

the

new Jewish identity of the conversos, whether

leaning toward Jewish or back toward Christian ortho-

doxy or wavering between the two poles, was unique

because it was based on choice, on personal autonomy.

Neither the Catholic Church nor the

inquisition

nor

the rabbinic authorities could impose it from above. A

converso strove and often succeeded, either publicly or

clandestinely, in creating his or her own self-denition.

the returning New Christians also created their own

communal structures and secured unique political ar-

rangements with local authorities in Pisa, Leghorn,

Amsterdam, or Hamburg that were often noticeably

different than those of organized Jewish communities

elsewhere.

they were highly mobile, engaged in long-

distance trading, and multilingual, with often compet-

ing cultural loyalties. But above all, they were the rst

Jews to determine their own religious identity, the vari-

ous components of faith and praxis they would choose

to accept or reject, and whether or not to believe in any

form of monotheistic faith.

the

conversos had been vic-

timized by a Catholic inquisition that could not tolerate

their religious ambiguity.

rabbinic

leaders faced with

consternation this same ambiguity when these individu-

als attempted to return to the Jewish community. While

most proclaimed themselves Jewish, many could not

easily adjust to traditional norms and practices as ob-

noxious to them as those they had abandoned in Cathol-

icism, or they remained indifferent to any religious ritual

or doctrine regardless of its origin.

others

clung exclu-

sively to a notion of ethnic or racial identity.

resembling

162 C H A P t e r f i v e

notions of their own oppressors, they viewed themselves

as members of the Naçao, distinguishable from their

Ashkenazic counterparts and from those Jews who saw

their identity as primarily or exclusively confessional.

recent

scholarship has highlighted the trajectory of

those conversos who engaged in repeated conversions,

shuttling between Judaism and Christianity at several

junctures of their lives.

for

these individuals, religion

was a variable to gain certain psychological and soci-

ological advantages; identity formation was malleable

and served practical ends.

the

most well known case

was that of

samuel Pallache, who easily adopted the

religious identity of his surroundings, viewing it solely

pragmatically as a kind of business cost, a way of en-

hancing his economic and political agendas. Many other

examples of paupers who were serial converts, willing

to adopt any faith that would ensure them material or

social rewards, can also be located in the records of the

inquisition.

Consider the case of Abraham

ruben,

a Jew

of low social standing who traveled all over

europe

from

fez

to Amsterdam and to Antwerp, switching faiths as

he traveled and even assuming the role of a religious

missionary when it suited him.

Most fascinating are the complex processes by which

conversos reintegrated themselves into organized Jewish

lives, bringing with them the cultural baggage of their

Christian pasts.

for

even those who unequivocally re-

claimed their Jewish identity,

iberian

Christian values

and ideas were deeply ingrained in their consciousness

and continued to shape their newly formed religious

identities.

they

carried with them such notions as per-

sonal honor, genealogical purity, spirituality, and even

martyrdom from their former Catholic environments to

M i N G L e d i d e N t i t i e s 163

their newly created Jewish ones. And given the formida-

ble challenges of their transition from one faith commu-

nity to the other, the leadership of Amsterdam and other

communities of the Western

sephardic

diaspora worked

assiduously to educate them in the norms of traditional

Jewish life and to normalize their existence within the

organized Jewish community. But despite their most rig-

orous efforts, their formal Jewish conversions were of-

ten incomplete or even unsuccessful. Many chose to lead

independent lives outside the organized community;

others continued to follow transient lifestyles, unwilling

to establish long-standing roots in any community; oth-

ers even returned to the

iberian

Peninsula, where they

felt more comfort and familiarity despite the hostile

conditions that had initially precipitated their previous

departures.

sabbatean syncretism

Many of these same conversos were infatuated with

Jewish messianism—especially the ideology of

sabbate-

anism—and

indeed it became for them and for others an-

other major arena of religious intermingling. As we have

seen,

shabbetai

evi’s declaration of his messiahship in

1665–66 engendered an enormous reaction among be-

lievers and detractors alike.

des

pite his incarceration and

ultimate conversion to

isl

am, he nevertheless remained

the focus of messianic aspirations, especially within con-

verso communities of both the

ott

oman

emp

ire and

the rest of

eur

ope, well into the eighteenth century.

the

ppearance of this strange messiah became the basis of

a new antinomian and nihilistic ideology, constructed

especially by Nathan of Gaza and the former converso