Kolodziejczyk Dariusz. The Crimean Khanate and Poland-Lithuania (ENG)

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574 document 9 (14 july 1507)

Translation:

Mengli Giray Khan, the great khan of the Great Horde—to begin with myself,

along with my brother Yaghmurcha Sultan,

and with my son Muhammed Giray

Sultan,

and with Ahmed Giray,

and Yapancha,

and Mahmud Giray,

and

Feth Giray,

and Burnash

—to begin with the [aforementioned] princes [Ruth.

carevyčy], [and with] Babaka Seyyid,

and the mullah Sultan Ali Abdulghani,

On Yaghmurcha, Mengli Giray’s younger brother and qalga, see Document 5, n. 8.

e oldest son of Mengli Giray, the future qalga and the future khan Mehmed

Giray; Muhammed is a formal version of the name Mehmed.

e second son of Mengli Giray; the future qalga of Mehmed Giray, killed in 1519

aer he rebelled against his brother; cf. Pamjatniki diplomatičeskix snošenij, vol. 1,

index, column 12; Syroečkovskij, “Muxammed-Geraj i ego vassaly,” pp. 53–56.

e son of Mengli Giray’s brother, Yaghmurcha; in Ruthenian and Russian

sources he was referred to as Japanča, Japančej, Epanča, Jabynča, Abunčy, etc.; cf.

Pamjatniki diplomatičeskix snošenij, vol. 1, index, columns 23 and 60.

e third son of Mengli Giray, le out from the index to Pamjatniki diplomatičeskix

snošenij, apparently because its authors confused the similar names Mehmed and Mah-

mud, often corruptly rendered in contemporary Slavic sources; the order of Mengli

Giray’s sons can be established on the basis of the letter of the Muscovian envoy

Ivan Kubenskij addressed to Ivan III from the Crimea in 1500: A careviči, gosudar’,

Menli-Gireevy deti, Maxmet-Kirej, da Axmat-Kirej, da Maamit-Kirej, da Beti-Kirej, da

Burnaš saltan, da Epanča saltan Emgurčeev syn vyšli iz Perekopi za nedelju do Velika

dni Litovskie zemli voevati; see Pamjatniki diplomatičeskix snošenij, vol. 1, p. 323. The

sons of Mengli Giray were also listed by Maciej z Miechowa, a contemporary Polish

author, in his Tractatus de duabus Sarmatiis Asiana et Europiana et de contentis in eis

(Cracow, 1517), fol. 21b.

e fourth son of Mengli Giray, referred to in Ruthenian and Russian sources

as Feti- or Betigirej; cf. Pamjatniki diplomatičeskix snošenij, vol. 1, p. 352 and index,

column 15; in 1506, along with his brother Burnash, he commanded the Tatar troops

that were defeated by Lithuanians at Kleck; he drowned in 1510 while crossing a

river during a raid against Moldavia; see Maciej z Miechowa, Tractatus de duabus

Sarmatiis, fol. 21b.

e h son of Mengli Giray; in 1506, along with Feth Giray, he commanded the

troops defeated by Lithuanians at Kleck; in 1512 he led an expedition against Muscovy

that was defeated near Perejaslavl’ Rjazan’skij; he died in 1515 shortly before the death

of his father; cf. Pamjatniki diplomatičeskix snošenij, vol. 1, index, column 17; vol. 2,

index, column 26; Le khanat de Crimée, p. 88.

Babaka or Babike Seyyid, brother-in-law of Mengli Giray; cf. Pamjatniki

diplomatičeskix snošenij, vol. 1, p. 352. The name Babaka/Babike is formed from the

kinship term baba (“father”) and the diminutive suffix -ke; cf. Jankowski, Historical-

Etymological Dictionary, p. 244. Damir Isxakov erroneously identies Babaka Seyyid

with Baba Sheikh (see n. 11 below), arguing that the two dignitaries never appear

together in one document; cf. idem, “Seidy v Krymskom xanstve,” Qasevet 33 (2008):

14–19, esp. p. 15. In fact, they are listed together not only in the present instrument,

but also in the Muscovian correspondence that formed the basis of Isxakov’s study.

Probably identical with the “great mullah Ali,” mentioned by Mehmed Giray in

his letter to Vasil III from 1516 and referred to as “my great mullah, superior to all

our mullahs, and also my great kadi” (molla Alej, moj bolšej molna, nado vsemi našimi

mollami starejšej, jakže moj i kadyj bolšej); see Pamjatniki diplomatičeskix snošenij,

vol. 2, p. 299.

document 9 (14 july 1507) 575

and Baba Sheikh,

and along with the ulans and beys [Ruth. knjazi], to begin

with Mamısh Ulan

and Qıyat Mansur Bey’s son Saqal Bey,

and with our

other ulans and beys, to begin with Tevkel Bey,

Mamısh Bey,

Agısh Bey,

Hadji Baba Sheikh, Crimean mullah at the khan’s court, referred to as molna and

bogomolec in Russian sources and as archiepiscopus imperatoris in a Polish source in

Latin; although long passing as pro-Muscovian and known for his participation in the

raids against Lithuania, in 1510 he mediated a reconciliation between Sigismund and

Mengli Giray; his son, Hadji Mehmed Sheikh-zade, was the mullah at the court of

Prince Mehmed Giray; see Pamjatniki diplomatičeskix snošenij, vol. 1, index, column

13 and vol. 2, index, column 18; Xoroškevič, Rus’ i Krym, pp. 178 and 251; Pułaski,

Stosunki Polski z Tatarszczyzną, pp. 363–364; Acta Tomiciana, vol. 1, p. 109.

Mamısh Ulan, son of Sarmak (or Surman) Ulan, the khan’s lieutenant (qay-

maqam) of Qırq Yer from ca. 1496 till ca. 1516, when he was replaced by his son

Apaq (Appak in Russian sources); he gured prominently in the diplomatic nego-

tiations with Muscovy and Lithuania and headed embassies to these countries; see

Pamjatniki diplomatičeskix snošenij, vol. 1, index, column 37 and vol. 2, index, column

58; Syroečkovskij, “Muxammed-Geraj i ego vassaly,” pp. 27 and 38; Xoroškevič, Rus’

i Krym, pp. 95 and 255. It was in fact Mamısh Ulan who was entrusted to deliver

the present document to King Sigismund and witness Sheikh Ahmed’s execution

requested by Mengli Giray; cf. n. 33 below. Syroečkovskij’s assumption that Mamısh

Ulan and Apaq belonged to the Qıpchaq clan was challenged by Beatrice Forbes Manz,

who considered them “service begs” and not the members of the clan aristocracy; see

Manz, “e Clans of the Crimean Khanate,” pp. 292–293 (in fact, the clan of Sulesh-

oghlu can be traced from Apaq; cf. n. 167 in Part I). Mamısh Ulan was probably still

alive in 1524, as his name opened the list of ulans and service beys who swore an oath

to keep peace with Muscovy; see Malinovskij, “Istoričeskoe sobranie,” p. 414.

Lit. “Qıyat Mansur Bey, his son Saqal Bey;” perhaps in the Tatar original this

entry read Qıyat Mansur Biy-oġlu Saqal Biy (“Saqal Bey, the son [or perhaps descen-

dent] of Qıyat Mansur Bey”); Qıyat Mansur, son of Mamay, was the founder of the

branch of the Qıyat clan that had le the Volga region aer 1380 and settled in Lithu-

ania and the Crimea; Xoroškevič, Rus’ i Krym, pp. 97–98 and 296. Saqal was the leader

of the Crimean Qıyats on the turn of the 15th century, see Pamjatniki diplomatičeskix

snošenij, vol. 2, pp. 20 and 57. According to Jankowski, the nickname Saqal (“beard”)

is probably a distortion of another, more typical nickname Saqav (“mute”); cf. idem,

Historical-Etymological Dictionary, pp. 955–956 and 1151.

Tevkel, son of Temir, the Manghıt (i.e., Nogay) bey and brother of Mengli

Giray’s wife Nur Sultan; he entered the Crimean service in 1503, after the collapse

of the Great Horde; see Pamjatniki diplomatičeskix snošenij, vol. 1, index, column 51;

Leslie Collins, “On the alleged ‘destruction’ of the Great Horde in 1502,” pp. 384 and

396; Xoroškevič, Rus’ i Krym, p. 97; Trepavlov, Istorija Nogajskoj Ordy, pp. 124–126.

Mamısh, son of Ediger, leader of the Sedjevüt (Sedjeut) clan and brother-in-law

of Mengli Giray; cf. Pamjatniki diplomatičeskix snošenij, vol. 1, index, column 37 and

vol. 2, index, column 58.

Agısh, son of Kögüsh, leader of the Shirin clan between 1507 and ca. 1523;

he succeeded in this post Devletek and was followed by Memesh; see Pamjatniki

diplomatičeskix snošenij, vol. 2, index, column 4 and Xoroškevič, Rus’ i Krym, pp.

96–97; for the somewhat confused genealogical tree of the Shirins, see Manz, “e

clans of the Crimean Khanate,” p. 308, and Halil Inalcık, “e Khan and the Tribal

Aristocracy,” p. 454. On the basis of the present document, the year 1508 proposed by

both authors for Agısh’s rise to the qaraçı post should be corrected to 1507.

576 document 9 (14 july 1507)

Devlet Bakhtı Bey,

with regimental beys,

courtiers, nomadic beys, and my

servants, [we have] all appeared before the great envoy of our brother, King

Sigismund, before Pan Jurij Zenovevyč,

and before Pan Jakub Ivašencovyč,

and before the Tatar marshal and scribe, Ibrahim,

and I—to begin with—

along with the above listed brother, children, ulans and beys, all regimental

beys and courtiers, nomadic beys, and my servants, while standing altogether,

we have sworn to our brother, King Sigismund, and we have given this oath-

letter

with the pronounced engagements [Ruth. c tymy vyznanymy rečmy] that

have been proclaimed. And Pan Jurij Zenovevyč, and Pan Jakub Ivašencovyč,

and the Tatar marshal Ibrahim Bey [Ruth. knjaz], have sworn with the soul

of our brother, King Sigismund, and with the souls of all lords of Lithuania, to

begin with the Reverend Bishop.

If you do not break this written and pronounced oath to the khan, neither

will we break it, and we will fulll word for word your request that is written

in the oath, we will not do otherwise. Hence they have sworn to us, and we

have also sworn our pronounced words that we will be a friend to any friend

of our brother, King Sigismund, and of the lords of Lithuania, beginning with

the Reverend Bishop, and we will jointly show enmity towards [each other’s]

enemy; and if we make terms with an enemy, we will do it jointly, and whoever

we stay friends with, we will stay friends together; we will not reconcile with

anybody without the other’s knowledge and we will not be anybody’s enemy

without the other’s knowledge.

Moreover, [as was the custom] from the times of our ancestors: Tokhtamısh

Khan and my father Hadji Giray Khan, also now I have granted the Ruthenian

borderland [Ruth. ruskuju vkraynu] [with] the castles that had used to belong

Devlet Bakhtı, son of Kazı (i.e., Ghazi or Hadji?), leader of the Barın clan and

the khan’s lieutenant (qaymaqam) of Qarasu Bazar from ca. 1501 till 1526; he g-

ured prominently in the Crimean international policy and led embassies to Poland-

Lithuania (1512–1513) and to the Ottoman sultan Selim I (1515); see Pamjatniki

diplomatičeskix snošenij, vol. 2, index, column 34; Syroečkovskij, “Muxammed-Geraj

i ego vassaly,” p. 31; Manz, “e Clans of the Crimean Khanate,” p. 287; Xoroškevič,

Rus’ i Krym, pp. 95 and 251. On his embassy of 1512–1513, see also Documents 10–11

and Document 16, n. 9.

e term polkovyi knjazi (lit. “regimental beys”), entered between the beys and

courtiers (the latter term refers to the khan’s court ocials < Tat. içki nökerler), might

refer to the remaining clan leaders, especially the leaders of the Arghın and Qıpchaq

clans, who also swore the oath (cf. n. 40 below).

On Jurij Zenovevyč, see Document 8, n. 38.

On Jakub Ivašencovyč, see Document 8, n. 39.

On Ibrahim Tymirčyn, see Document 8, n. 40.

e Ruthenian term prysjažnyj lyst (“oath-letter”) is the literal equivalent of the

term şartname used by the Crimean chancery.

e bishop, not mentioned by name or even by his see, was the bishop of Vil-

nius, Wojciech (Albrycht) Radziwiłł. His oath is mentioned in Sigismund’s letter to

Mengli Giray, dated 26 November 1507; see Pułaski, Stosunki Polski z Tatarszczyzną,

p. 326. Wojciech Radziwiłł became the bishop of Vilnius aer the death of his prede-

cessor, Wojciech Tabor, in March 1507 (ocially nominated only in September), and

remained in this post until his death in 1519; see his biography by Maria Michalewi-

czowa in PSB, vol. 30 (Wrocław etc., 1987), pp. 377–379.

document 9 (14 july 1507) 577

to us, along with [their] lands, waters, incomes and levies, to my brother, King

Sigismund, to the Lithuanian throne, and to the lords, beginning with the

Reverend Bishop; and we have given the letter

under the golden nişan and

under the red stamp. And we have given our letter accordingly, and we will

not change our bestowal.

And whoever is an enemy of our brother, King Sigismund, I, his brother Mengli

Giray, will send my brother or son along with a great army [so that it should set

out against this enemy] together with the royal army of our brother. Likewise,

Sigismund, our brother, if I, or my son, set out against my enemy, then—under

the oath—[you should] send us a notable lord or a notable commander [Ruth.

dobrogo maršalka] along with a great Lithuanian army, so that he should

set out together with us and show enmity to our enemy as a proof of unity.

And you should execute Halek Sultan,

the nephew

of my enemy Sheikh

Ahmed,

his servant Tokhtamısh,

Sultan Ahmed,

and his other important

servants;

as to his minor servants, you should relocate them to distant areas

[of Lithuania] and turn them into serfs.

e khan refers to his yarlıq that was sent along with the present document; cf.

Document 8.

Halek Sultan was the son of Qodjaq (or Hadjike, referred to as Xozjak in Rus-

sian sources), the younger brother and qalga of Sheikh Ahmed; see Trepavlov, Istorija

Nogajskoj Ordy, pp. 150–152; Zajcev, “Šejx-Axmad—poslednij xan Zolotoj Ordy,” p. 38.

Ruth. bratanyč, i.e., “brother’s son.”

Sheikh Ahmed, the last khan of the Great Horde, archenemy of Mengli Giray and

ally of King Alexander against Muscovy. Defeated by Mengli Giray in 1502, he found

refuge in Lithuania, but was kept in custody due to the pressure of the Crimean diplo-

macy. Contrary to gossip about his execution or premature death (for instance, see

the 16th-century chronicle by Maciej Stryjkowski, Kronika polska, litewska, żmudzka

i wszystkiej Rusi, vol. 2, p. 330, and the monograph of Spuler, Die Goldene Horde,

p. 208), he lived many years in Lithuania and in 1527 was released to successfully

regain the throne in Astrakhan; see the letters by the royal secretary Jan Zambocki to

Johannes Dantiscus regarding Sheikh Ahmed’s release in 1527 (Acta Tomiciana, vol. 9,

pp. 211–213 and 251–252), the khan’s letter to King Sigismund reporting his success-

ful return to the throne (RGADA, f. 389, no. 7, pp. 1010–1011), and the biographical

article by Zajcev, “Šejx-Axmad—poslednij xan Zolotoj Ordy,” pp. 37–52.

On Tokhtamısh, who belonged to the prominent Alchin clan of the Great Horde,

see Zajcev, “Šejx-Axmad—poslednij xan Zolotoj Ordy,” pp. 38 and 48, n. 53.

On Sultan Ahmed Mirza, see ibidem, p. 38. In July 1503, he participated in the

failed siege of Astrakhan by Sheikh Ahmed.

e whereabouts of the imprisonment of Sheikh Ahmed and his retinue in Lith-

uania can be learned from the letter of Mengli Giray sent to Ivan III of Muscovy in the

summer of 1504: “At the beginning of this winter our children stayed in Djankerman

(Rus. v Novomgorodke; lit. “in New Town,” i.e., Očakiv); on hearing about Sheikh

Ahmed, they chased him, but a freezing cold, wind, and heavy snow descended, so

they returned, having captured and brought along a number of Sheikh Ahmed’s ser-

vants. And Sheikh Ahmed, Qodjaq, Halek, and Alchin Tokhtamısh, eight of them

altogether, rushed to Kiev; and the palatine of Kiev Dmytryj [Putjatyč] captured them

and sent to the Upper Castle [apparently in Vilnius-DK]. And King Alexander sent

an envoy, [letting us know]: ‘I have captured your enemies, Sheikh Ahmed, Qodjaq,

and Halek; and now as I have captured your enemies and you know it, let us keep

[friendly] relations: as previously your father Hadji Giray had kept [friendly] relations

with King Casimir, you should keep [friendly] relations with us accordingly’ ” (I see

578 document 9 (14 july 1507)

Moreover, as 4,500 orins is spent each year on my castle named Islamker-

man built on the Tavan’ [crossing],

they [i.e., the Lithuanian envoys] have

engaged: “each year and without delay we will send you the sum that you give

for the fodder to the men, who guard the castle.” And whenever we request [the

return of ] our captives, noble ladies [Ruth. knjahin’] and others, if you return

them to us, we will also meet any request of yours, our brother, so that if there

are any captives with us, we will search for them and send them back. And you

should nd and send back my servant Shadi.

“And as our Muscovian enemy captured our lands from us, if you take them

[from him] and return to us, we will each year collect the incomes and lev-

ies from these people and towns, and give them to your brothers and sons,

all the princes, your ulans and beys, to begin with Tevkel Bey, Mamısh Bey,

and Devlet Bakhtı Bey,

and your other regimental beys, thus gaining their

favor. And in regard to your enemy Sheikh Ahmed, as you said, so we will

do;”

—thus [i.e., in these words] have sworn here Pan Jurij Zenovevyč, Pan

zimy, s pervozim’ja, naši deti byli v Novomgorodke; i oni, poslyšav Šig-Axmetja, za

nim gonjalisja; ino prišla studen’ velika i v’jalica i snegi veliki, i oni vorotilisja, a slug

Šig-Axmetevyx poimav s soboju priveli. I Šig-Axmet i Xozjak i Xalek i Alčin Taktamyš,

vosm’ ix, v Kiev pribegli; i kievskoj voevoda knjaz’ Dmitrej poimav, ix na Vyšegorod

vvel. I Oleksandr korol’ čeloveka prislal: nedrugov tvoix Šig-Axmetja, Xozjaka i Xoleka

esmi poimal; i nyneča čto esmja poimali tvoix nedrugov, i tebe ved’ to vedomo, i ty s

nami ssylajsja: kak napered togo otec tvoj Azi-Girej car’ s Kazymirom korolem ssylalisja,

i ty s nami potomuž ssylajsja); see Pamjatniki diplomatičeskix snošenij, vol. 1, p. 516;

cf. also Ivan’s reply in ibidem, pp. 521–522. These events are also confirmed by the

Lithuanian chronicler Maciej Stryjkowski; see idem, Kronika polska, litewska, żmudzka

i wszystkiej Rusi, vol. 2, pp. 316–317. Although Sheikh Ahmed remained in Lithuanian

custody for the following two decades, the conditions of his imprisonment were rather

mild as he was useful to hold the Crimean khans in check only as long as he was alive;

cf. Zajcev, “Šejx-Axmad—poslednij xan Zolotoj Ordy,” pp. 38–41. At the first sight,

it seems curious that Mengli Girey demanded the death of Sheikh Ahmed’s “impor-

tant servants” but did not mention the two most prominent captives: Sheikh Ahmed

and his brother Qodjaq. Yet, in 1507 Qodjaq was no longer in Lithuanian hands as

in 1505 he was let go to the Nogay Horde (see Stryjkowski, op. cit, p. 325), and the

execution of Sheikh Ahmed was in fact requested in a separate letter, see n. 33 below.

On Islamkerman (or Islamkermen), a castle built by Mengli Giray around 1504

on the le shore of the Dnieper, at the river crossing named Tavan’ (< Tat. Toġan

keçidi), see Zygmunt Abrahamowicz, “Stara turecka mapa Ukrainy,” pp. 11, 13, and 17.

ese three clan leaders were already mentioned above; the fourth one, Agısh Bey

from the Shirin clan, was probably le out due to a copyist’s error; cf. notes 14–17.

e last provision obviously refers to Mengli Giray’s request to execute Sheikh

Ahmed, who was kept in Lithuanian custody. Apparently Mengli chose not to word

this clause openly in his ocial document that only referred to the execution of

Sheikh Ahmed’s nephew and servants (see n. 30 above). In a separate letter, sent to

King Sigismund along with the present document, Mengli Giray openly requested

the execution of Sheikh Ahmed and invoked the oath by Jurij Zenovevyč taken in his

presence: Pan Jurij Zenovevyč nam tak prysjahnul: koly ja do hospodarja svoeho do

korolja, y do Lytovskoe zemly biskupa, y do panov velykyx doedu, tut ja tvoju pravdu

vydel, nepryjatelja tvoeho Ši Axmata, kak ty hovoryl, ys seho sveta zbavjat’, poterjajut’

eho, y smert’ eho semu Mamušu-vlanu a Odine [the Crimean envoys sent to Lithuania-

DK], sluze tvoemu, vkažu, na to prysjahnul nam dušeju vašoju; see Lietuvos Metrika.

Knyga Nr. 8 (1499–1514). Užrašymų knyga 8, p. 86. In fact, contrary to various gos-

sips, Sheikh Ahmed was never executed; cf. n. 27 above.

document 9 (14 july 1507) 579

Jakub Ivašencovyč, and the Tatar marshal and scribe, Ibrahim, with the soul

of our brother, King Sigismund, and with the soul of the lords, beginning with

the Reverend Bishop.

If—by following my above request and my word—you show enmity to my

enemy, we will also not break or depart from our written oath and pronounced

word, and we will rmly keep our oath. And if my brothers or my children,

or anybody from among our ulans and beys, or regimental beys, or courtiers,

or nomads, or from among my servants, goes and commits harm to Lithuania

and the people of our brother, King Sigismund, if they come back on their own,

we will punish them, capture them and deliver to you, and we will return the

taken captives that they bring; and if these people, having committed harm, do

not come back to us, we will arrest their wives, children, and daughters, and

we will send them to the Dnieper crossing

and deliver them from our castle

Islamkerman, so that your men may [come] with boats, take them and escort

[to Lithuania].

If you, my brother King Sigismund, along with the lords, beginning with the

Reverend Lithuanian Bishop, [ fulll] my above worded request and—keeping

rmly your engagement—take an oath and do not break it, neither will we

[break it], and if we break our present oath and conrmed words, [we]

will

be repudiated by the highest and only God and cursed by our holy Prophet

Muhammad, the messenger of God.

I have accordingly written down and given this oath from my lips; and we

have given to our brother, King Sigismund, and to the Lithuanian grand lords

and [lesser] landholders, beginning with the Reverend Bishop, the legally valid

letter under the signet ring and under the blue stamp, having stamped it with

our signet ring and blue stamp.

Given 913 years aer our Prophet, written

on the 4th day of the prosperous

month of Rebi I, on Wednesday.

appendix:

An oath was given by Mehmed Giray Sultan—to begin with—and other princes,

by Mamısh Ulan, the next in prominence aer me

—to begin with—, and other

ulans, beys, and qaraçıs and regimental beys: Agısh Bey, Devlet Bakhtı Bey, the

beys Merdan and Mahmud.

Written by Ibir Hodja, the scribe.

I.e., Tavan’; see n. 31 above.

Ruth. tot budet’ (lit. “such individual will be”) obviously refers to the khan.

e Ruthenian adjective pravo podnesenyj is rendered here as “legally valid.”

Perhaps the word pysan (“written”) entered at the end of the Ruthenian phrase,

belongs to the original locatio that was le out by the scribe; cf. Document 8.

Cf. n. 1.

“Me” apparently refers to the khan.

On the term “regimental beys,” cf. n. 18 above. e last two beys appear on the

list of the Crimean dignitaries who swore the oath to keep peace with Muscovy in

1508; see Pamjatniki diplomatičeskix snošenij, vol. 2, p. 20. Merdan was the leader of

the Arghın clan (referred to as Argyn Mardan knjaz’ ), and Mahmud the leader of the

Qıpchaq clan (referred to as Kypčak Magmud knjaz’ ); as we see, it was Mahmud and

not Mamısh Ulan who headed the Qıpchaqs; cf. n. 12 above.

DOCUMENT 10 (5 SEPTEMBER 1513)

e instrument of agreement (dokončen’e) issued by Sigismund

as the grand duke of Lithuania and sent to Khan Mengli Giray

e original document is missing.

Ruthenian copies:

A. RGADA, fond 389 = Litovskaja metrika, no. 7, pp. 466–473 [old folia-

tion: 234b–238a].

A.* 18th-century Latin script transcription: AGAD, Metryka Litewska, no.

193, pp. 318–321.

Published in Pułaski, Stosunki Polski z Tatarszczyzną, pp. 416–418.

Доконченье с царем перекопскимъ:

Во имѧ боже стансѧ!

Кꙋ векуистое тое то рѣчи памꙗти, мы Жикгимонт, з ласки божее

король полскии, великии кнѧзь литовскии, рускии, кнѧжа прꙋское,

жомоитскии, и иныхъ, ꙗвно чинимъ тымъ то нашимъ листомъ,

штожь ꙋгленувши ꙋ старые докончаниꙗ, привилеꙗ, и листы щастное

памѧти продковъ нашихъ, то естъ дѣда нашого, Королꙗ Его Милости

Владыслава Ꙗкгела, и великого кнѧзꙗ Витовта, и Жикгимонтта [sic],

и славное памѧти ѡтца нашого, королѧ и великого кнѧзꙗ Казимера,

с продьки Великое Ѡрды великого царѧ Менъдли Кгиреꙗ, брата

нашого, то есть с царемъ Тактомышомъ и иными цары, также и с

царемъ Ачжикгирѣемъ, ѡтцомъ его, иж ѡни часꙋ панованꙗ своего

промежькꙋ себе были ꙋ вѣрномъ братстве и в сталои приꙗзни, ѡдин

дрꙋгого приꙗтелю был приꙗтелемъ, а неприꙗтелю неприꙗтелемъ,

и везде споломъ на всꙗкого их [неприꙗтелѧ]

стоꙗли за ѡдин, а с

того панство их ширилосѧ и множилосѧ, а непрыꙗтелемъ ихъ рꙋка

слаба была. Мы бачечи, иж каждаѧ приꙗзнъ стараꙗ трывала естъ,

а новое дѣло подь вонътпенемъ сталости, по смерти брата нашого

Алекъсандра, королѧ и великого кнѧзѧ, седши на столцохъ тыхъ

ѡтчизныхъ и дедичныхъ нашихъ панствъ, то есть Корꙋны Полское

и Великого Кнѧзъства Литовского, не хотели [есмо]

искати индеи

приꙗтелеи мимо брата нашого, волного царѧ Мендли Кгириꙗ. По вси

тые лѣта ѡт ѡныхъ часов и до сих месть [склонилисꙗ]

есмо приꙗзни

нашои и добротою к немꙋ, ѡпъсылаючы его, и здоровꙗ его навежаючи

многими послы и частыми гонцы. Тыми пак часы брат наш, Мендли

Кгиреи царь, видечы справедливую и сердечънꙋю нашу к нему

приꙗзнъ, писал и въсказал к намъ черезъ свои велики послы, через

Apparently le out by the copyist; cf. Document 17.

Written mistakenly: есте; cf. Document 17.

Written mistakenly: сконъчилисѧ; cf. Document 17.

document 10 (5 september 1513) 581

Довлет Бакъты, и кнѧзꙗ Вицентиꙗ, а Потестина, жадаючи нас, абыхмо

длꙗ верного братства и вечнии [на]шее

приꙗзни промежку нами

докончалными нашими листы списалисѧ и присѧгами ꙋтвердилисѧ.

Ино мы Жыкгимонт, корол и великии кнѧзь, порадившисꙗ ѡ то с

кнѧзи бискупы и со всими Паны Радами нашими Великого Кнѧзъства

Литовского, з божее ласки и з нашое воли к тому есмо призволили.

Через сес наш лист знаминито чинимъ, штож взѧли есмо мир и

вѣчное докончане з братомъ нашимъ, Великое Ѡрды великимъ царемъ

Медли Кгирием, штож жити намъ с нимъ в ла[с]це, в приꙗзни по

тому, как и предкове наши были зъ его предки, и ѡтец наш Казимер

корол зъ его ѡтцомъ Ачжикгириемъ царемъ, приꙗтелю его быти

намъ приꙗтелемъ, а неприꙗтелю непрꙗтелемъ, и вездѣ на всѧкого

его недрꙋга быти намъ с нимъ за ѡдин. Также брат наш, Мендли

Кгиреи царъ мает съ своими детми и внучаты, и з бра[т]ею своею

молодшою, и его правое рꙋки и левое великого влуса с темъники, и

тисѧчники, и сотники, и всими вланы, и мурзы, и кнези, приꙗтелю

нашему приꙗтелем быти, а неприꙗтелю неприꙗтелемъ, и везде на

всꙗкого нашого неприꙗтелꙗ бы с нами за ѡдин.

А которые городы и волости, земли и воды неприꙗтел наш

московскии через свою прысꙗгу и докончане зрадне по[д] братомъ

нашим Александромъ, королемъ и великимъ кнѧземъ, забрал и посел,

тые городы и волости, и земли и воды брат наш, Менди Кгиреи царъ,

помочю своею вынемъши з рꙋкъ того неприꙗтелꙗ нашого московского,

мает засѧ намъ в нашꙋ моц подати, и на потомъ завжды на того

нашого неприꙗтелꙗ московского всими своими воиски помоцон мает

быти. Теж естли бы сѧ пригодило на которогоколвѣ иного неприꙗтелꙗ

нашого помочи намъ ѡт брата нашого, Менди Кгиреꙗ царѧ, и брат

наш, Менди Кгиреи царъ, маетъ намъ сумою людеи послати, колко

намъ бꙋдеть потребъ.

Такъже и тые городы, которыи передкови его, первые цары, и ѡтецъ

его Ачжикгиреи царъ, и брат наш вжо тых часовъ Менди Кгиреи

царъ, со тмами и землꙗми, и з водами, и со всими доходы и данми, в

своих листех за золотыми печатъми вписали к Великомꙋ Кнѧзьству

Литовскому, ино нѣкоторые с тыхъ городов, и з волостеи, землъ,

и водъ, невеременемъ предковъ нашихъ ꙋпали в рꙋки московского,

брат наш Мендли Кгиреи цар подле доконалныхъ листов предков его

и своих, и подле приреченѧ его крѣ[п]кого царъского слова, намъ,

вынемши з моцы москов[ского], мает засѧ подати.

А што братꙋ нашомꙋ, Менди Кгирею царю, неприꙗтели ахматовы а

магмꙋтовы дѣти, то и намъ неприꙗтели, быти намъ с царемъ Менди

Кгириемъ на них за ѡдин. А неприꙗтелꙗ его, Ши-Ахмата царѧ, в

литовскои земли твердо будем держати, а на его лихо не выпускати,

и до живота его, поки ѡт Бога смерть на него приидет; также и слуг

его на его лихо не выпускати, естли теж Менди Кгиреи царъ будет

намъ слово свое царъское крепъко держати, и присѧгу полнити.

Corrupt; cf. Document 17.

582 document 10 (5 september 1513)

А которые лихие дѣла стали сѧ были за ѡтца нашого, Казимера

королꙗ, и за братю нашꙋ старъшую Албрахта и Александра королев,

и вжо за насъ, Жикгимонта королꙗ, ꙋ головах ѡт Магмет Кгиреи

солтана, и ѡт иных солтанов брати вашое и ѡт дѣтеи ваших, и ѡт

всѣхъ ꙋланов и кнезеи, и ѡт всѣхъ слуг ваших панствамъ нашимъ

ѡтчизнымъ, Корꙋне Полскои и Великому Кнѧзъству Литовскому,

и шътоколвекъ ѡни шкодъ тымъ земълꙗмъ нашимъ по тые лѣта

вчинили, мы то все имъ ѡтпускаемъ, и тые их вси лихии дила з мысли

нашое ск[л]адаемъ, и не хочомъ того им памѧтити.

Такъже з божего допꙋщенꙗ Менди Кгиреи царъ, брат наш,

и сын его Махмет Кгиреи солтан в головах, и иншие солтанове в

том еднани будꙋчи, до нас, к Великому Кнѧзьству Литовскому

в гостинꙋ приедꙋт, або ко мнѣ, Жикгимонтꙋ королю, на помоч

напротивку неприꙗтелꙗ моего, на нашо слово з воискомъ своим

неприꙗтелю неприꙗзнъ чинити, и нашо дѣло на добрыи конец на

неприꙗтелꙗ доводити, ино ѡни мают в нас в ласцѣ и во чти быти,

а в ласце и во чти ѡтехати, задънꙋ ѡт нас шкоды им [не] будет.

Также ѡт Мендли Кгиреѧ царѧ, брата нашого влусов, которые

богатые або вбогие купцы коли до нашое земли приедꙋт, стародавные

ꙋставленые мыта ѡтдавши, звышъ того нашимъ врадникомъ силы,

[моцы им не делати; а которыи врадникъ нашъ с того бы росказанꙗ

нашого выступил, на звышъ пошлены што на нихъ възѧл, того намъ]

сказънити, а имъ запълату

сполна казати заплатити; нехаи вси купцы

брата нашого во здорови приедꙋт, а в цилости ѡтедꙋтъ.

Такъже брату нашому, Мендли Кгирею царꙋ, з ласки нашое братское

хотечи помоч вчинити, абы ѡн своих верныхъ слуг ку помочи нашоии

напротивку неприꙗтелеи наших въспомагал, ѡбѣцаемъ ему в кажьдыи

год ꙋпоминки слати с тых ѡбеюх наших панствъ, с Корꙋны Полское

и Великого Кнѧзьства Литовского, патнадцат тисѧч золотых, а то

тымъ ѡбычаемъ: с Корꙋны пол ѡсмы тисѧчи золотых, а зъ Великого

Кнѧзьства пол ѡсмы тисѧчи золотых, половицꙋ пѣнꙗзми, а половицꙋ

товаромъ, кождого годꙋ на два роки: перъвыи рокъ мают быти ꙋ брата

нашого ѡ семои сꙋботе пол ѡсмы тисѧча золотых, другии рокъ ѡ

Светомъ Мартине другаꙗ полъ ѡсмы [тисѧча] золотых. А братъ наш,

Менъдли Кгиреи царъ, мает на того нашого неприꙗтелꙗ, коли намъ

надобѣ, завжды без вымовы помочъ слати, и на всихъ иных наших

неприꙗтелеи, и во всемъ намъ по тому правити, какъ вышеи в семъ

нашомъ листе выписано.

А мы теж сь своего слова брату нашому ни в чомъ не выступимъ;

и на тые на вси правдивые наши слова [с] кнези бискупы, и со всими

Паны Радами нашими Великого Кнѧзъства Литовского присѧгу

твердꙋю вчинивши, дали есмо сеи наш листъ з нашою печатю Великого

Кнѧзъства Литовского маестатною болшою, и с печатми Панов Рад

is whole fragment is omitted by the copyist; instead, the corrupt text reads:

нашимъ врадникомъ силы моцънымъ сказънити; for the correct reading, cf.

Document 17.

Written mistakenly: запълаву; cf. Document 17.

document 10 (5 september 1513) 583

наших при томъ будꙋчихъ:

кнѧзъ Мартин бискуп жомотскии; воевода

виленскии, канцлер наш, пан Миколаи Миколаевич Радивиловича;

пан виленскии, гетман наш, староста луцкии, и браславскии, и

веницкии, маршалокъ волынское земли, кнѧзъ Костентин Ивановичъ

Ѡстрозкии; воевода троцкии, маршалокъ наш дворныи, пан Григореи

Станиславович Ѡстиковича; пан троцкии, староста жомоитскии, пан

Станислав Ꙗнович; маршалокъ земскии, староста городенскии, пан

Станислав Петрович; воевода новогородскии, маршалокъ наш, пан Ꙗн

Ꙗнович Заберезенскии; воевода витебскии, маршалокъ и секретар наш,

пан Иван Сапега; маршалок наш, староста берестеискии и лидскии,

пан Юреи Иванович Илинича; маршалокъ, намѣстник ковенскии, пан

Воитех Ꙗнович; кухмистръ наш, намѣстникъ ꙋтенскии, пан Петръ

Ѡлехнович; подскарбии земъскии, пан Аврамъ Езоѳович.

Стало сѧ и дано лѣта божего тисѧча пѧтсот третегонадесѧт, месеца

сентебра е҃ [5] ден, индикт в҃ [2].

Translation:

e agreement with the khan of Perekop [i.e., the Crimean khan]:

Let it happen in the name of God!

For eternal memory, we, Sigismund, by the grace of God the king of Poland, the

grand duke of Lithuania, Ruthenia, the duke of Prussia, Samogitia,

and other

[lands], we make known with our present letter that having inspected the old

agreements, privileges, and letters of our ancestors of felicitous memory, namely

our grandfather, His Royal Majesty Vladislaus Jagiełło, Grand Duke Vytau-

tas, Sigismund,

and our father of glorious memory, the king and grand duke

Casimir, [exchanged] with the ancestors of our brother Mengli Giray, the great

khan of the Great Horde, namely Khan Tokhtamısh and other khans, also with

his father, Khan Hadji Giray, [we have concluded] that as during their reigns

they had mutually cultivated loyal brotherhood and constant friendship, being

a friend to the other’s friend, and an enemy to the other’s enemy, and together

they had faced every enemy everywhere, in result their domain[s] had widened

and multiplied, and their enemies had had their hands weakened. Seeing that

every old friendship is durable while a new venture is subject to doubt in regard

to its stability, having ascended the thrones of our ancestral and hereditary

states, namely the Polish Crown and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, aer the

death of our brother, the king and grand duke Alexander, we did not want

to seek friends beyond our brother, the free

khan Mengli Giray. For all these

Written mistakenly: будꙋчимъ.

I.e., Žemaitija (Pol. Żmudź).

Sigismund (Lith. Žygimantas), younger brother of Vytautas and grand duke of

Lithuania in the years 1432–1440.

e expressions volnyj car (“free khan”) or vol’nyj čelovek (“free man”), found

in Ruthenian and Russian sources, reect the ancient Mongol-Tatar notion of sover-

eignty. e sovereign was independent from other rulers and could endow his subjects

with titles, lands, or privileges at his will; see Xoroškevič, Rus’ i Krym, pp. 117–118.