Kolodziejczyk Dariusz. The Crimean Khanate and Poland-Lithuania (ENG)
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604 document 13 (ca. december 1513)
my state and the faith of the Mohammedan law, and may I be deprived of the
assistance of my God and our prophet Muhammad as a man, who denies his
[religious] law, and may my wife become freed [i.e., divorced]
2
and I become
an indel heathen.
Again, I swear by the Koran, by the true God, and by our prophet Muham-
mad, that if I do not keep the oath and promise, may none of my sons and
descendants reign in the state in which I reign but—as God is true and just—
may He remove them from the ancestral throne and may He make my enemies
the lords and heirs of my state.
I, Mengli Giray, the great khan of the Great Horde, swear by the Moham-
medan law, by Almighty God, by the 124,000 prophets,
3
and by the law of
Muhammad, our just prophet, that we should be a friend to a friend of yours,
our brother, the king and grand duke Sigismund, and an enemy to your enemy,
and we should assist you, my highest brother, whenever you need it; and if I
do otherwise, may Almighty God, the Mohammedan law, the aforementioned
124,000 prophets, and our just prophet Muhammad kill me, and may my wives
be in captivity
4
and I be a heathen.
2
According to the Muslim law a wife of an apostate would automatically become
divorced. An analogous clause can be found in Mengli Giray’s oath recorded in a doc-
ument from 1478, whose original text in Khwarezmian Turkic has been preserved. It
reads: “and let my wife, taken in a legal marriage-process, be discharged from me with
the threefold talaq[-formula]” (taqı ba‘du nakah-i şar‘i birle alġan halalım mendin üç
talaq haram bolġay); see Vásáry, “A contract of the Crimean khan,” pp. 294–295 and
a facsimile aer p. 296.
3
According to a Muslim tradition (hadith), recorded in the collection of Ahmad
bin Hanbal, Allah sent 124,000 prophets to the earth; see Musnadu`l-Imam Ahmad
bin Hanbal (164–241 H.), vol. 36 (Beirut, 2001 A.D./1421 A.H.), p. 619. A reference
to 124,000 prophets can be found already in Mengli Giray’s oath registered in a docu-
ment from 1478; see Vásáry, “A contract of the Crimean khan,” pp. 293–295.
4
Or: “be sold into slavery.”
DOCUMENT 14 (CA. JUNE 1514)
e donation yarlıq cum şartname (dokončenie) sent by Khan Mengli
Giray to King Sigismund
e original document is missing.
Ruthenian copies:
A. RGADA, fond 389 = Litovskaja metrika, no. 7, pp. 564/565–571/572
1
[old
foliation: 283b–288a].
A*. 18th-century Latin script transcription: AGAD, Metryka Litewska, no.
193, pp. 364–367.
Докончение Менъли Кгиреѧ, цара перекопъского, прислано паномъ
Громыкою, писаромъ и ключникомъ виленскимъ до Вильни року ≠з҃к҃г҃
[7023] июлꙗ к҃и҃ [28], инъдикъ в҃ [2]:
Почал есми в боже имѧ, што счастье роздае и жалуетъ тых, которые
братъство верне держатъ, и правдꙋ и слово свое полнꙗт безо лсти и
безъ хитрости, с чистого серца!
Царѧ Менликгиреево слово:
Правое рꙋки и левое рꙋки великого влуса темникомъ, и тисѧчьникомъ,
и сотникомъ, и десѧтникомъ, и всимъ тымъ вланомъ и кнꙗземъ, такъже
всих рꙋскихъ земль внутръныхъ и замъчистыхъ мѣсть и городов мит-
рополитомъ, владыкамъ, всимъ дꙋховнымъ, кнꙗземъ, и боꙗромъ, и
мещаномъ, и всему поспольству:
Будъ вамъ вѣдомо, штож ꙗвно чинимъ тымъ то нашимъ листомь,
иж з давна предковъ нашихъ цареи и ѡтца нашого, Ачжикгиреѧ царѧ
кони, коли потни были, тогды к великому кнꙗзю Витовту, къ королю
и великому кнѧзю Казимерꙋ, в литовскую землю гостемъ приходили,
и честь великую и добротꙋ видевши, подле стародавного ѡбычаѧ
земли рꙋски з городы и мѣсты, и волости, со тмами и з землѧми,
и з водами, и з доходы записали. Ничого не вменъшивала
a
ѡт тых
ꙗрълыков, которые жь с початъку ѡт первых цареи выписаны к Вели-
кому Кнꙗзьжству, и перво сего ѡт нас ещо за ѡныи час, коли нас
Бог жаловал сести на великомъ столъцы цареи дꙗд нашихъ и ѡтца
нашего, тогды мы вглꙗнувши ꙋ стародавные доконъчанѧ предковъ
нашихъ, листъ нашъ тым же ѡбычаемъ Казимерꙋ королю и великому
1
Mistaken double pagination: two consecutive page numbers appear on each
page.
a
Perhaps it should read вменъшиваꙗ?
606 document 14 (ca. june 1514)
кнꙗзю дали. А тыхъ часов недавно, коли есмо з Жикгимонтомъ коро-
лемъ и великимъ кнꙗземъ, братомъ нашимъ, в приѧзнь вступали,
засѧ великие наши послы Мамышъ влана и иныхъ ѡтновивши, в тое
ж слово листъ нашъ подъ золотыми печатми нашими послали, и брату
нашому Жикгимонту королю, великому кнꙗзю, и его сыномъ, и их
наследникомъ, держати вов покои: Киев город со тмою, и з выходы,
и з данми, и з землѧми, и з водами, и з доходы; Великии Лучоскъ
со тмою и з землѧми, и з водами, и з доходы; Смоленъскъ со тмою,
з доходы, и з землѧми, з водами; Полътескъ, Витебскь со тмами и з
доходы, и з землѧми, и з водами; Подоле со тмою и з землꙗми, и з
водами; Браславль со тмою и з выходы; соколецкаѧ тма з выходы, и
з землѧми, и з водами; Звинагород з выходы, и з землѧми, и з водами;
Качибѣев, Маꙗкъ из землѧми, и з водами; також почон ѡт Киева и до
днепрѧского ꙋстьѧ; Снепородъ, Глинескь с людми; Жалваж, Путивль
зъ землѧми и з водами; Биринъ, Синецъ, Хотин, Лосичи, Хотмышл, и
Ничаны со всими землѧми, и з водами, и з доходы; курскаꙗ тма; Сара-
ева сына Аголдаева тма; Радогощъ, Мимолюбь со всими землѧми, и з
водами, и з доходы, Мужець, Ѡскол; Стародꙋб, Бранъскъ, со всими
землѧми, и з водами, и з доходы; Мценескъ, Любутескъ, Тула-городъ,
со всими землѧми, и з водами, и з доходы; Берестье, Ратно, Козлескъ,
Пронескъ, Волкона, Испаш, Донецъ, со въсими землѧми, и з водами, и
з доходы; Дашов-город, Банаклы, Курал, Ꙋчорънъ город, Ꙋтешъков-
городищо, Тушин, Немер, ѡхромова тма, Мушен, Ѳедоровъ-городокъ
рекомо ѡстров, со всими землѧми, и водами,
b
и з доходы; Петъковъ
c
и Великии Новъгород, и Резанъскии Переꙗсловль в головах, люди со
тмами, и зъ городы, и з лесы, и з доходы, а што течетъ и канетъ, к
литовскои земли столъцꙋ придали есмо.
И надъто порадивши сѧ из своими сынми царевичи, и внучаты,
и зо всими вланы, и мурзы, и кнꙗзи, присѧгу твердꙋю есмо с ними
вчинили, штож намъ с королемъ и великимъ кнꙗземъ Жикгимонтомъ
быти ꙋ вѣрномъ братстве и ꙋ вернои приꙗзни, и дѣтемъ нашимъ,
и напотомъ будꙋчимъ счадкомъ, из его детми и счадки, приꙗтелю
его быти намъ приꙗтелемъ, а неприꙗтелю неприꙗтелемъ, и везде на
всꙗкого его неприꙗтелꙗ быти намъ с нимъ за ѡдинъ.
А которыи городы и волости, земли и воды, московскии подъ бра-
томъ его королемъ и великим кнꙗземъ Алексанъдромъ забралъ и
поселъ, и теж—Боже вховаи—естли бы которыи городъ подъ нимъ
взꙗл, тые городы и волости, земли и воды мы, Мендли Кгиреи царь,
з божею помочю вынемши з рукъ московского, маемъ засѧ королю и
великому кнꙗзю Жикгимонту в его рꙋки дати. Теж на неприꙗтелꙗ
его, великого кнꙗзѧ московского мы, Мендли Кгиреи царъ, со всими
дѣтъми и людми своими, всимъ воискомъ своимъ королю и великому
кнꙗзю Жикгимонту маемъ помочни быти, ныне и завжды, и напотомъ.
b
e word водами is written corruptly.
c
Corrupt; it should read Псковъ.
document 14 (ca. june 1514) 607
Такъже и на иных неприꙗтелеи его, коли пришлет к намъ жадаючи ѡ
люди, маем ему помоч давати сумою людеи, колко ему будет надоби.
А которые лихии дѣла были стали сѧ за ѡтца вашего Казимера,
королꙗ и великого кнꙗзѧ, за братю вашꙋ Ѡлтбрахта
d
и Александра,
и вжо за вас панствамъ вашимъ ѡтчизным, Корꙋне Полскои и Вели-
кому Кнꙗзьству Литовскому в головах ѡт Магмет Кгиреи солтана,
и ѡт иншихъ царевичовъ, и ѡт всих вланов и кнꙗзеи, и людеи, слуг
наших, штоколве ѡные шкоды по тые лѣта земълꙗмъ вашим почи-
нили, то все брат нашъ имъ ѡтпустит и тые лихие дѣла на мысли
своеи не мает пꙗмꙗтати. А которое лихо стало сꙗ дѣтемъ або людем
нашимъ в земли брата нашого, Жикгимонта королꙗ, за Казимера, и
Ѡлбрыхта, и Александра, и тепере за Жикгимонта вжо королев, намъ
теж не паметати и сь сердца выложити.
А што есмо перъво сего на знамѧ милого братства и вернеишои
приꙗзни послали к брату нашому Жикгимонту, ко королю и великому
кнꙗзю на змешъканъе внука нашего Джалалдаинъ солъта[на], ино
божꙗ волꙗ стала сѧ, Богъ его с того света взѧлъ. Мы на его мѣстьцо
дрꙋгого царевича на змешкане завъжды братꙋ нашему Жикгимонту,
королю и великому кнꙗзю, маемъ слати, сына або внука своего, абы
то слышачи приꙗтели радовали сѧ, а неприꙗтели боꙗли сѧ.
К тому мы теж, Менъдли Кгиреи царъ, хотѧчи брата нашего,
Жикгимонъта королѧ, добротамъ и впоминъкомъ, и тꙋю приꙗзнъ
против чинити, купцом Великого Кнꙗзьства доброволно без каждого
выстереганъѧ и запълаты солъ в Кочебѣевѣ и тамъ ѡтколе везде
брати, и до Киева и до Лꙋцъка, и до иныхъ всихъ городовъ вѣзти за
нашихъ людеи сторожою, абы имъ тамъ в Кочебееви и везъде на поли
которого лиха ѡт казаковъ наших и ѡт всѧкихъ иныхъ не стало сꙗ.
А естли бы купъцомъ его которое сꙗ недобро <при> пригодило, мы
брату нашему за то маем досытъ вчинити. Такъжо и инымъ всимъ
купцомъ Короны Полъское и Великого Кнꙗзьства Литовъского,
богатымъ и вбогимъ, волно приехати с куплѧми своими до Ѡрды и
до Каѳы, и торговавши волъно ѡтехати, заплативши теж стародавные
и звѣчные мыта.
Такъже и все то вышеи писано в листе нашомъ маемъ ему
полънити, и с того николи не выступити. А тых часовъ ничого не
мешъкаючи, сыновъ нашихъ з воискемъ нашимъ великимъ маемъ на
его неприꙗтелѧ московского послати, и тые городы и волости, земли
и воды, которые ѡтець московского ѡт литовского столъца побравъ,
вынемъши з рꙋкъ его маемъ брату нашому Жикгимонъту, королю и
великому кнꙗзю, подати, и на всꙗкого его неприꙗтелꙗ быти с нимъ
за ѡдинъ.
И на то есмо мы, Менли Кгиреи царь в головахъ, з Магъмет Киреи
солътаномъ, и со всими солътаны, и вланы, и муръзами, и кнꙗзи,
d
In A* rendered mistakenly as ot brata.
608 document 14 (ca. june 1514)
присѧгу твердꙋю вчинивши брату нашому, королю и великому кнꙗзю
Жикгьмонъту, передъ его послы, сесь нашъ листь ему дали, зъ
золотымъ нишаномъ а алою томъгою ꙗрлыкъ дали.
Писан ꙋ Перекопе.
Translation:
e letter of agreement [dokončenie] of Mengli Giray, the khan of Perekop
[i.e., the Crimean khan], sent through Pan Hromyka,
2
the scribe and the stew-
ard [ključnyk] of Vilnius, brought to Vilnius on the 28th of July of the year
7023, during the 2nd indiction:
3
I have commenced in the name of God, who gives and grants felicity to those
who faithfully keep brotherhood, and who fulll their oath and word without
any deceit or fraud and with a pure heart!
e word of Mengli Giray Khan:
To the commanders of tens of thousands [tümens], thousands, hundreds, and
tens of the great people [ulus] of the right and the le hand, all the ulans and
beys [Ruth. knjazem], and also to the metropolitans, [Orthodox] bishops, all
clergymen, princes, boyars, townsmen, and commoners of the inland and forti-
ed towns and castles of all the Ruthenian lands:
You should know that we announce with our present letter that in the ancient
times, when the horses of our ancestors, the khans, and our father, Hadji Giray
Khan, were growing sweaty [beneath them], then they would come as guests
to Grand Duke Vytautas, to King and Grand Duke Casimir, to Lithuania,
and having experienced great reverence and kindliness, they endowed [them],
according to the ancient custom, with the Ruthenian lands along with castles,
towns, and estates along with [their] tümens, lands, waters, and incomes. And
earlier, when God allowed us to ascend the great throne of our uncles, the
khans, and our father, we too, having inspected the ancient letters of agree-
ment [dokončanja] of our ancestors, we gave our letter to the king and grand
duke Casimir in the same manner, without diminishing anything from [the
contents of] those yarlıqs that had been initially written to the Grand Duchy
by the rst khans. And in the recent times, when we concluded the friendship
with our brother, the king and grand duke Sigismund, we sent again our great
2
On Hryhoryj Hromyka, cf. Document 12, n. 30.
3
e dating is confusing as the second indiction lasted from 1 September 1513
till 31 August 1514, while the year 7023 of the Byzantine era (beginning 1 September
5509 B.C.) lasted from 1 September 1514 till 31 August 1515. It is rather unlikely that
the scribe referred to the so-called ultra-March (ul’tramartovskij) mode, according to
which the year 7023 began on 1 March 1514, as this mode was already out of use in
the given period. As in the Lithuanian chancery practice indictions were used more
commonly than the Byzantine era dating, the later date is apparently wrong.
document 14 (ca. june 1514) 609
envoys, Mamısh Ulan
4
and others, and we sent our letter under our golden
seals, [composed] in the same words;
and may our brother King Sigismund, the grand duke, and his sons, and
their descendants, hold in peace:
– the town of Kiev with its tümen along with incomes, levies, lands, waters,
and revenues;
– Great Luc’k with its tümen along with lands, waters, and revenues;
– Smolensk with its tümen along with revenues, lands, and waters;
– Polack and Vicebsk with their tümens along with revenues, lands, and
waters;
– Podolia with its tümen along with lands and waters;
– Braclav with its tümen along with incomes;
– the tümen of Sokolec’
5
along with incomes, lands, and waters;
– Zvynyhorod
6
along with incomes, lands, and waters;
– Kačybej and Majak along with lands and waters;
7
– also starting from Kiev to the mouth of the Dnieper [along with the river];
– Sneporod and Hlyns’k along with [their] people;
8
– Žolvaž
9
and Putyvl’ along with lands and waters;
– Byryn, Synec, Xoten’, Losyčy, Xotmyšl, and Nycjany along with all lands,
waters, and revenues;
10
– the tümen of Kursk;
– the tümen of Jagoldaj, son of Saraj;
11
– Radogošč’ and Myloljub along with all lands, waters, and revenues, Mužeč
and Oskol;
12
– Starodub and Brjansk along with all lands, waters, and revenues;
– Mcensk, Ljubutsk, and the town of Tula along with all lands, waters, and
revenues;
13
4
On Mamısh Ulan, the prominent Crimean noble and the envoy to Lithuania in
1507, see Document 9, n. 12.
5
Cf. Document 8, n. 4.
6
Cf. Document 8, n. 5.
7
On Kačybej and Majak, cf. Document 8, notes 6–7.
8
On Sneporod and Hlyns’k, cf. Document 8, notes 8–9.
9
Cf. Document 8, n. 10.
10
On these estates in the region of Putyvl’ and on the rivers Sula and Vorskla, cf.
Document 8, notes 11–16.
11
On this estate, extending between the upper Sejm and the upper Donec rivers,
and its former owner, see Document 8, n. 18.
12
Myloljub, Mužeč and Oskol belonged to the tümen of Jagoldaj (cf. Document 8,
notes 18–19) while the town of Radogošč’ was situated further to the northwest. As
the latter did not gure in the earlier yarlıqs and was registered for the rst time in
Document 12 and in the present document, apparently by error the scribe entered its
name in the wrong place, i.e., between the tümen of Jagoldaj and Myloljub.
13
On Mcensk, Ljubutsk, and Tula, see Document 8, notes 20–21.
610 document 14 (ca. june 1514)
– Berestej, Retan’, Kozel’sk, Pronsk, Volkonsk, Spažsk, and Donec along with
all lands, waters, and revenues;
14
– the castle of Dašov, Balykly, Karaul, Čornyj Horod,
15
the ruined castle [Ruth.
horodyščo] of Uteškov,
16
Tušyn, Nemyr, the tümen of Uhrom, Mušen, and
an island referred to as the castle of Fedorov
17
along with all lands, waters,
and revenues;
– Pskov, Velikij Novgorod, and Perejaslavl’ Rjazan’skij—to begin with, their
people with their tümens along with towns, forests, revenues, and [every-
thing] that ows or streams—we have appended [all the above localities] to
the throne of Lithuania.
Moreover, having taken counsel with my sons, the sultans [i.e., princes], [my]
grandchildren, and with all the ulans, mirzas, and beys, we have rmly sworn
along with them that we should remain in loyal brotherhood and loyal friendship
with the king and grand duke Sigismund, and [so should] our children and future
descendants with his children and descendants, and we should be a friend to his
friend and an enemy to his enemy, and face jointly with him any of his enemies
from any direction.
And whichever towns, estates, lands, and waters the Muscovian [ruler] cap-
tured and took in possession under [the reign of] his [i.e., Sigismund’s] brother,
the king and grand duke Alexander, and—God forbid!—if he captures any town
under his [own reign], we, Mengli Giray Khan, should—with God’s help—take
these towns, estates, lands, and waters from the hands of the Muscovian [ruler],
and restore them to the hands of the king and grand duke Sigismund. And we,
Mengli Giray Khan, along with all my children and people and all my troops,
should assist the king and grand duke Sigismund against his enemy, the grand
duke of Muscovy, at present and always, and in the future. Moreover, if he
sends [an envoy] to us asking for people [i.e., troops] against his other enemies,
we should assist him with as many men as he needs.
And as regards the harm committed during [the reigns of] your father Casi-
mir, the king and the grand duke, your brothers [John] Albert and Alexander,
and also recently during your [reign] towards your ancestral states, the Polish
Crown and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, by Mehmed Giray Sultan—to begin
with—and other princes, and by all the ulans and beys, and [other] men [being]
our servants, whatever damage they have caused to your lands up till the pres-
ent, our brother [i.e., you] will forgive them all this and will not hold this harm
in his memory. And whatever harm has been experienced by our children and
men in the land of our brother, King Sigismund, during [the reigns of] the
14
On these localities and estates, see Document 8, notes 22–26.
15
On these four settlements, situated on the lower Boh and lower Dniester, see
Document 8, notes 28–31.
16
Cf. Document 12, n. 22.
17
e last four settlements along with the tümen of Uhrom could not be identied,
but they were apparently situated in lower Podolia, between the Boh and Dniester
rivers; Mušen appears in the earlier documents as Mušač or Mušal; cf. Document 8,
n. 32 and Document 12, n. 23.
document 14 (ca. june 1514) 611
kings Casimir, [John] Albert, Alexander, and now also Sigismund, we should
not remember it and should release it from our heart.
Formerly we had sent our grandson, Djalaleddin Sultan,
18
to reside with
our brother Sigismund, the king and grand duke, as mark of kind brotherhood
and even more loyal friendship; however, God willing, God took him from this
world. In his place we should always send another prince, our son or grandson,
to reside with our brother Sigismund, the king and grand duke, so that upon
hearing this, our friends may rejoice, and our enemies tremble with fear.
Also, in desire to reciprocate the kindness, gis, and friendship of our brother,
King Sigismund, we, Mengli Giray Khan [allow] the merchants from the Grand
Duchy to take salt from Kačybej and the whole surrounding area freely, with-
out any anxiety, and without payment, and carry it to Kiev, Luc’k, and all
other towns, guarded by our men so that they do not experience any harm
in Kačybej or anywhere in the eld [i.e., steppe]
19
from our cossacks
20
or any-
body else. And if his [i.e., royal] merchants are harmed in any way, we should
compensate it to our brother. Also all other merchants from the Polish Crown
and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania—either rich or poor—may come with their
goods to the Horde [i.e., the Crimean Khanate] or to Caa, conduct their trade
and depart, having paid the old and ancient tolls.
And we should fulll all the above written [promises] to him [i.e., King
Sigismund] contained in our letter, and never depart from them. And now,
without any delay, we should send our sons along with our great army against
his Muscovian enemy, and we should take from his [i.e., the Muscovian ruler’s]
hands the towns, estates, lands, and waters that were taken away from the
Lithuanian throne by the father of the Muscovian [ruler], and restore them to
our brother Sigismund, the king and grand duke, and we should face jointly
with him any of his enemies.
And we, Mengli Giray Khan—to begin with, along with Mehmed Giray Sul-
tan, and all the sultans [i.e., princes], ulans, mirzas, and beys, have sworn the
rm oath to our brother, the king and grand duke Sigismund, before his envoys,
and have given him our present letter, the yarlıq with the golden nişan and the
red tamġa.
Written in Perekop.
21
18
Cf. Document 12, n. 25.
19
e Ruthenian term pole (“eld”) or dykyja polja (“wild elds;” cf. Pol. dzikie
pola) referred to the barely inhabited steppe area extending to the north from the
Black Sea.
20
e Turkic word kazak (hence the later Slavic kozak, i.e., “cossack”) applied to
free vagabonds; cf. Chapter 6 in Part II.
21
Perekop was the Slavic name of the Tatar town of Ferahkerman, also known as
Or qal‘esi or Or qapu; see Jankowski, Historical-Etymological Dictionary, pp. 748–750.
Yet, in the given context, the term might also refer to the whole Crimean peninsula;
cf. Document 15, n. 20.
DOCUMENT 15 (29 OCTOBER 1514)
e şartname (dokončalnyj lyst) regarding Poland sent
by Khan Mengli Giray to King Sigismund
e original document is missing.
Ruthenian copies:
A. RGADA, fond 389 = Litovskaja metrika, no. 7, pp. 614/615–619/620
1
[old foliation: 309b–312a].
A.* 18th-century Latin script transcription: AGAD, Metryka Litewska,
no. 193, pp. 386–389.
Polish 16th-century translation:
2
a) Bibl. Kórn., ms. 222, pp. 110–114; b) Bibl.
Czart., ms. 30 (Teki Naruszewicza), pp. 419–423.
Published in Acta Tomiciana, vol. 3, pp. 162–164.
Лист ѡт Мендли Кгиреѧ, цара перекопского, до Королꙗ Его Милости
писаны:
1
Mistaken double pagination: two consecutive page numbers appear on each page.
2
e Polish translation, entitled Menligireia cara wielkiego [pakta], is dated two
months earlier than the Ruthenian copy: “on the 29th day of the month of August of
the year 920 aer the departure of His Majesty, Prophet Muhammad, from this world
[sic; it should refer to the Hegira and not Muhammad’s death], and of the year 1514
since the birth of Lord Christ, in the Tatar Horde” (po ześciu z tego świata Jego Miłości
Machometa Proroka lat 920 roku, a od narodzenia Pana Chrystusa roku 1514, miesiąca
augusta 29 dnia, w Ordzie Tatarskiej). As the Muslim year 920 A.H. lasted from 26
February 1514 till 14 February 1515, the dating seems to be consistent. Yet, as the
contents of both Ruthenian and Polish versions are almost identical, it is likely that the
term axturys, found in the Ruthenian text and apparently referring to October, was
mistranslated as August in the Polish version, hence its correct dating should be 29
October, and not 29 August. Although the Polish version is inferior to the Ruthenian
one, it contains certain details of the lost original that are missing in the Ruthenian
version. For instance, the Kipchak Steppe is correctly referred to as Deşt-i Qıpçaq
(Destykypczak), Prophet Muhammad with his two names as Muhammad Mustafa
(Machmet Mustaa), and the Crimean envoy Giovanni Baptista de San Nicolo, who
gures in the Ruthenian version merely as Baptista (Potestin), is recorded with his two
names, Baptista and Nicolo (Pakss and Mikula), though mistakenly treated as two dif-
ferent persons. e Polish version also species that the annual royal gi to the khan
should be paid in “red orins,” i.e., golden ducats (15000 złotych czerwonych). Curi-
ously, St. Martin’s Day is referred to as falling on 16, and not 11 November (novembra
dnia 16 na Święty Marczin). e Polish version also contains redundant information
referring to the number of Lithuanian lords, who sealed the royal instrument of peace
from 1513, as three (pod pieczęciami trzech panów litewskich), while in fact their num-
ber was twelve; cf. Document 10.
document 15 (29 october 1514) 613
Починаемъ великого Бога именемъ! Ѡн поживене даетъ и жалꙋеть!
Нѣтъ инъшего бога нежли ѡдинъ Богъ, а Мухамъметъ посол его!
На боже имѧ! Мендли Кгиреи цар, божю милостью Великое Ѡрды
великии цар, всихъ Кипъчаковъ, и Туркменꙗ, и татарскии господаръ.
Штож царство ѡт предъковъ намъ зостало, мы порадили с правои руки
полъки, и с лѣвои, зъ [сы]нъми нашими ꙋ головах Магъмет Кгирѣемъ
царевичом, и з дѣтми и з царевичи, и з великими и з малыми, з ꙋланы
и с кнꙗзьми, и з муръзами.
Какъ же всимъ вѣдомо, иж Великое Ѡрды ꙗ, Менъдли Кгиреи,
великии цар, и иныхъ земль господаръ, иж предъков нашихъ приꙗзнь
и братство, и мир видꙗчи, какъ же великии цар Токмышъ и великии
цар Ажьчзгиреи, ѡтець мои, почонъ ѡт тыхъ, ꙋ приꙗзни и в братъстве
будꙋчи и гостемъ бывали тамъ, з великимъ королемъ Ꙗкгеломъ,
лꙗдским, а потомъ з великимъ кнꙗземъ литовскимъ Витолътомъ, и
з великимъ королемъ Казимеромъ, лꙗдъскимъ и литовъскимъ, ѡни з
нашими предки ꙋ приꙗзни и братъстве были, и мир ꙋ правде держали,
ѡдин ѡдного приꙗтелю приꙗтелемъ, а неприꙗтелю неприꙗтелемъ
были; где ѡни такъ были, межи их неприꙗтелъ ꙋвошол, ничого не
вчинивалъ неприꙗтелъства, тогды пансътва <панства> во покои
бывало, приꙗтели то видев радовали сꙗ, а неприꙗтели сидовали сꙗ,
панства болшали, а слугъ болживало сꙗ.
Ино ꙗ тепер из сыномъ моимъ ꙋ головах, Магъмет Киреи
царевичом, и з ыншими детъми своими, и з детъми царевичи, и з
ꙋланы, и з кнꙗзьми, и з мꙋрзами порадили есмо, из Жикгимонтомъ
братомъ нашимъ, з боже милости королем полскимъ и з великимъ
кнꙗземъ литовскимъ, рꙋскимъ, пруским, и з жомоитскимъ, и инших
земль зъ господаремъ, ꙋ приꙗзни и в братстве стоꙗли есмо, приꙗтелю
приꙗтелели, а неприꙗтелю неприꙗтнли маем быти, ѡдин ѡдному со
всихъ сторонъ, какъ жо и наши предки были. А коли такъ бꙋдемъ,
межи нас неприꙗтелю ꙋвоити нелъзꙗ. И всказали были есмо до
вас Жикгимонта, великого королꙗ, брата нашого, через Мамыша
влана, через Довлетъ Бахътыꙗ кнꙗзꙗ, и через Виценътиꙗ, и черезь
Потестина первеи того, и напотом Авкгустыномъ ꙋсказали есмо, ижбы
вы Жикгимонт, великии королъ, брат нашъ, неприꙗтелꙗ нашого
Шиахмата твердо бы держалъ, с панства бы своего не выпустили,
поки Богъ ему смерътъ дастъ. И вы намъ теж ꙋсказали, иж так
вчинимъ.
Еще теж ѡ сее дѣло, иж царевичомъ дати, и их детемъ, ꙋланомъ,
и кнꙗзем, и мурзамъ дати, штож ѡт вас просили: петнадцатъ тисꙗч
золотыхъ на кождыи год, сем тисеч и пꙗтсот золотых ѡт Лꙗдскои
Короны, а семъ тисꙗч и пꙗтсот золотых ѡт Великого Кнꙗзьства
Литовского мали есте дати. А ты корол, брат нашъ, на то еси положил.
Ино сии выписаны и золотыи петнадцат тисꙗч: и сем тисꙗч и пꙗтсот
золотых товаромъ ꙋ ценꙋ, а семъ тисꙗчъ и патъсот золотых золотыми,
маете слати на два роки: после своего хрестиꙗнъского свꙗта ꙋ семи