Kolodziejczyk Dariusz. The Crimean Khanate and Poland-Lithuania (ENG)
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614 document 15 (29 october 1514)
неделꙗхъ ѡ семои сꙋботе товаро[м], а готовыми золотыми на дрꙋгии
рок ꙋ восен ѡ Мартине.
Ты Жикгимонът, великии корол, брат наш, длꙗ братства и приꙗзни
нашеи знаменуючи намъ два листы доконченъе прислали есте, ѡдин
ѳрꙗжскии, а дрꙋгии по рꙋскии. Которыи по ѳражскии писан листь,
тот под лꙗдьскою великою печатью, и подь <лꙗдъ> лꙗдских панов
трох печатю, и которыи по рꙋскии писан листь доконъчалныи, <с>под
литовскою великою печатю, и подь литовских панов печатю до нас
прислали есте. Мы то велми ꙋдꙗчно принѧли.
И вы также, брат наш Жикгимонт, великии королъ, ѡт нас жеданъѧ
ѡ Полскꙋю Корꙋну и ѡ Литовское Кнꙗзьство листь доколъчалныи с
посломъ вашимъ, с паномъ Громыкою; нашимъ посломъ послали есмо,
а ѡ Лꙗдскꙋю Корꙋнꙋ не послали были есмо. Ино посломъ нашимъ
Келъдышомъ, Авкгустыном, а своимъ посломъ паномъ Михаиломъ
писаромъ жедаѧ нас прислали есте, абыхмо докончалныи листь ѡ
Лꙗдскꙋю Корꙋну дали. И мы ѡ то из сыном моимъ Магъметъ Кирѣемъ
царевичомъ ꙋ головахъ и з ынъшими дѣтми моими, и з их дѣтми, и з
ꙋланы, и с кнꙗзьми своими, и з мурзами порадивши, доконъчалныи
листь сес написавъ послали есмо. Иж Лꙗдскаꙗ Корꙋна и Литовское
Кнꙗзьство нам ѡдно есть, хтоколве Лѧдскои Корꙋне неприꙗтелъ
будет, и нам тожъ неприꙗтелъ. Лꙗдскои Корꙋны которыи городы
прислухают, Лвов ꙋ головах, людемъ, городомъ, мѣстомъ и селомъ
вашимъ ꙋсимъ, которыиж тутъ выписаны, хто им бꙋдетъ неприꙗтел,
тотъ и нам неприꙗтелъ.
Ино мы сес докончалныи листь <подъ тою>, и под тою присꙗжною
дали есмо, и ж Машу ꙋланъ, и Довлет Бахтыꙗ кнꙗзь, и з Мамукъ
ꙋланомъ, а Виценътомъ, а Бестин, а Келъдишъ, Ꙗкгустиномъ,
a
а напотомъ которыи ж ехали томъ
b
послы наши: Абдула ꙋланъ, а
Ѡбдикъ кнꙗзь, и Довлет ꙋланъ там поехал, нашею душею вамъ [Жи]-
кгимонту королю, брату нашему, правдꙋ и присѧгу вчинили. Мы
на тои присѧзе стоим ꙋ правде, Лꙗдскому Панству и Литовскому
Кнꙗзьствꙋ приѧтели и братꙗ есмо, приѧтелю приѧтель, а неприѧтелю
неприꙗтелем есми. Хтоколве симъ двема панствомъ неприѧтелство
чинити помыслитъ, мы тому неприѧтели есмо, такъ вѣдаите. Наша
сѧ приꙗзнъ и братство дѣтемъ нашимъ, внꙋчатомъ нашимъ нехаи
будет.
Такеж ѡт Лѧхов и ѡт Литвы до наших людеи купец приедетъ, а
ѡт нашихъ людеи до ваших людеи, к Лꙗхомъ, и к Литвѣ, купецъ
приедетъ, силы и кривды не было бы им, подлꙋгъ первого ѡбычаꙗ
мыто давши, здоров поехал, и добры бы здоров ѡтехал. А ли тут мои
сынове, або их сынове царевичи, або ꙋланы, кнꙗзи, и мурзы, и козаки
a
It should read и Акгустиномъ.
b
It should read тамъ.
document 15 (29 october 1514) 615
наши, естли имъ силꙋ ꙋчинѧтъ, або товар ихъ ѡтберꙋтъ, мы ꙋ нихъ
ѡзем, тым кꙋпцом вашимъ засꙗ маем вернꙋти и заплатити. А естли
наши бы тежь кꙋпцы ꙋ вашихъ людеи сила и кривда им стала, и вы
бы теж шкоды им поплатили.
Длꙗ того сес нашъ докончалъныи лист дали есмо. В сем
доконъчалномъ листе выписаны речи наши, инако ꙋже не маемо
чинити. На то присѧгаем Богꙋ, и вѣрою, и Мꙋхамедем, пророком
нашимъ Его Милостью, и черезь сто тисѧчъ и двадъцат и чотыри
тисѧчъ пророков, иж через сес нашъ листъ докончалъныи што есмо
мовили, инако не маемо быти.
И на тую твердость сес доконъчалъныи листъ наш, подъ золотымъ
знамем и подъ черлеными печатми лист посланъ, после Пророка
нашего ꙋ деветисот лѣтехъ и въ двадъцати, а после его милости Изас
пророка в тисѧча и в пѧтисот и в чотырнадъ[ца]тъ летъ, ахтуриса
месеца ꙋ двадцати и ꙋ девѧти день, ꙋ Перекопе, Киркели городе, ꙋ
Щасливои Полате, на ща[с]те и на ласкꙋ.
Translation:
e letter from Mengli Giray, the khan of Perekop [i.e., the Crimean khan],
written to His Royal Majesty:
We commence in the name of the great God! He gives and grants nourishment!
ere is no god but the only God, and Muhammad is His prophet!
In the name of God! [I,] Mengli Giray Khan, by the grace of God the great
khan of the Great Horde, all the Kipchaks and Turkomans, and the lord of
the Tatars. As we have inherited the reign from our ancestors, we have taken
counsel with the regiments of the right and the le hand, with our sons, to begin
with Mehmed Giray Sultan, with children and princes [carevyčy], both older
and younger, with the ulans, beys [Ruth. s knjaz’my], and mirzas.
As everybody knows, I, Mengli Giray, the great khan of the Great Horde
and the lord of other lands, having seen the friendship, brotherhood, and peace
originating from [the times of] the great khan Tokhtamısh and the great khan
Hadji Giray, our father, who used to remain in friendship and brotherhood
and come as guests to the great king of Poland, [Vladislaus] Jagiełło, and there-
aer to the grand duke of Lithuania, Vytautas, and the great king of Poland
and Lithuania, Casimir, who [on their part] used to remain in friendship and
brotherhood with our ancestors and keep peace in earnest, being a friend of
the other’s friend and an enemy of the other’s enemy, [I have concluded that]
while they were doing so, if an enemy appeared, he could not do any harm and
[their] states remained in peace; upon seeing that their friends rejoiced and
their enemies were crushed, [their] states widened and servants multiplied.
And now, I have taken counsel with my son, Mehmed Giray Sultan—to
begin with, my other children and the princes’ children [i.e., my grandsons],
and with the ulans, beys, and mirzas, and as we used to keep friendship and
brotherhood with our brother Sigismund, by the grace of God the king of
616 document 15 (29 october 1514)
Poland and the grand duke of Lithuania, Ruthenia, Prussia, Samogitia,
3
and
the lord of other lands, [also now] we should be friends to the other’s friends
and enemies to the other’s enemies from any direction, as our ancestors used to.
And when we do so, no enemy will come between us. And we have asked you,
our brother, the great king Sigismund, rstly through Mamısh Ulan,
4
through
Devlet Bakhtı Bey,
5
through Vicenzo,
6
and through Baptista,
7
and then through
Augustin,
8
that you, the great king Sigismund, our brother, should rmly detain
our enemy, Sheikh Ahmed,
9
and not let him go from your state until God sends
him death. And you have answered: “so we will do.”
Moreover, you were expected to give each year 15,000 orins [zolotys]: 7,500
orins from the Polish Crown and 7,500 orins from the Grand Duchy of Lith-
uania, to the princes and their children, and to the ulans, beys, and mirzas, as
they had asked you. And you, the king, our brother, gave your consent to it.
Hence you should send the above written 15,000 orins: 7,500 orins in goods
at their actual value, and 7,500 orins in cash, in [the following] two rates:
seven weeks aer your Christian feast [i.e., Easter], by the seventh Saturday
[i.e., the Saturday before the Pentecost]—in goods, and the second rate, in cash,
in autumn by [St.] Martin’s Day.
10
And you, the great king Sigismund, our brother, sent us two letters of agree-
ment [lysty dokončene] making known our brotherhood and friendship: one in
Frankish
11
and another in Ruthenian. e letter written in Frankish, you sent us
under the great Polish seal and the seals of three Polish lords, and the letter of
agreement written in Ruthenian, under the great Lithuanian seal and the seals
of Lithuanian lords. And we accepted them with gratitude.
3
I.e., Žemaitija (Pol. Żmudź).
4
On Mamısh Ulan, the khan’s envoy to Poland-Lithuania in 1507, who arrived
with the task to ensure and witness the requested execution of Sheikh Ahmed, see
Document 9, n. 12.
5
On Devlet Bakhtı, the leader of the Barın clan and the Crimean envoy to Poland-
Lithuania in 1512, see Document 9, n. 17, Documents 10–11, and Document 16, n. 9.
6
On Vicenzo de Guidulphis, an Italian in the khan’s service, sent in embassy to
Poland-Lithuania in 1512 along with Devlet Bakhtı, see Document 16, n. 10.
7
On Giovanni Baptista de San Nicolo, an Italian in the khan’s service, sent in
embassy to Poland-Lithuania in 1512 along with Devlet Bakhtı, see Document 16,
n. 11.
8
On Augustino de Garibaldis, a Genovese from Caa in the khan’s service, see
Document 16, n. 18. Here his most recent embassy to Poland-Lithuania is referred
to. Having arrived at Vilnius in February 1514 along with Mengli’s yarlıq (Document
12), he was sent back in May along with the rst installment of the annual gis due
for that year. In this embassy he was accompanied by another envoy, Keldish (cf.
n. 13 below).
9
On Sheikh Ahmed, see Document 9, notes 27, 30, and 33.
10
I.e., 11 November; yet, in the Polish translation St. Martin’s day is identied with
16 November; cf. n. 2 above.
11
e Ruthenian term frjažskyj applied to Latin or any Romance language, in the
given case to Latin as the royal document was composed in Latin (see Document 11).
document 15 (29 october 1514) 617
And you, the great king Sigismund, our brother, requested through your
envoy, Pan Hromyka,
12
that we issue a letter of agreement for the Polish Crown
and the Lithuanian Duchy; we sent one through our envoy, but we did not
send any regarding the Polish Crown. So you sent [again] our envoys Keldish
13
and Augustin, and your envoy Pan Myxajlo, the scribe,
14
requesting that we
issue a letter of agreement regarding the Polish Crown. And we, having taken
counsel with my son, Mehmed Giray Sultan—to begin with, and with my other
children, and their children, and with the ulans, and my beys, and mirzas,
have written and sent this letter of agreement. As the Polish Crown and the
Lithuanian Duchy is like one [body] to us, whoever is an enemy to the Polish
Crown, will also be an enemy to us. As regards the towns that belong to the
Polish Crown, beginning with L’viv [Pol. Lwów], whoever is an enemy to any
of your people, castles, towns, and villages that are recorded here, will be also
an enemy to us.
And we have given this letter of agreement under the present oath, and
whoever from among our envoys has gone there [i.e., to you]—Mamısh Ulan,
Devlet Bakhtı Bey, <Mamısh Ulan,
15
> Vicenzo, Baptista, Keldish, Augustin,
and more recently Abdullah Ulan, Abdıq Bey, and Devlet Ulan,
16
has engaged
and sworn with our soul to you, King Sigismund, our brother. And we sincerely
keep this oath, we are the friends and brothers of the Polish State and the
Lithuanian Duchy, a friend of [your] friend and an enemy of [your] enemy.
Whoever schemes a hostile act towards these two states, will be an enemy to
us, thus you should know. And our present friendship and brotherhood should
last among our children and grandchildren.
12
On Hryhoryj Hromyka, cf. Document 12, n. 30. Sent to the Crimea in September
1513 along with the royal instruments of peace (Documents 10–11), he returned to
Vilnius on 28 July 1514 with a yarlıq of Mengli Giray (Document 14).
13
On Keldish, the Crimean envoy to Poland-Lithuania in 1514, who accompanied
Augustino de Garibaldis, cf. n. 8 above and Document 12, n. 2.
14
On Myxajlo Vasyl’evyč Svynjuska, cf. Document 12, n. 32. Sent to the Crimea in
July 1513, he witnessed Mengli Giray’s oath and accompanied the Crimean envoys,
Keldish and Augustino de Garibaldis, who brought the khan’s yarlıq (Document 12)
to Vilnius in February 1514; then he was again sent to the Crimea in order to ask for
a separate document regarding Poland.
15
Mamısh Ulan is erroneously mentioned twice, rst as Mašu ulan and then as
Mamuk ulan.
16
Abdullah Ulan and Abdıq Bey arrived in Lithuania in July 1514, accompanied
by the returning royal envoys Stanisław Skinder (see Document 12, n. 29) and Hry-
horyj Hromyka (see n. 12 above); see Pułaski, Stosunki Polski z Tatarszczyzną, pp.
434 and 444. e rst one was probably identical with Abdullah Ulan (in the Russian
sources referred to as Abdula or Abdu-La), who escorted the Italian masters travel-
ing to Moscow in 1504 and attended the audience of Muscovian envoys in 1516;
see Syroečkovskij, “Muxammed-Geraj i ego vassaly,” pp. 41–42. Devlet Ulan must
have been sent more recently, between August and October 1514; he is mentioned
in the Crimean-Muscovian correspondence from 1518; see Xoroškevič, Rus’ i Krym,
pp. 257–258. Abdullah Ulan and Devlet Ulan might be identical with their namesakes
mentioned in Document 22 from 1527.
618 document 15 (29 october 1514)
And if a merchant comes to our people from among the Poles and Lithua-
nians, or a merchant from among our people goes to your people, the Poles and
Lithuanians, they [i.e., such merchants] should experience no violence or harm
and should go and depart safe and sound, aer having paid tolls according to
the ancient custom. And if my sons, or their sons, the princes, or the ulans,
beys, mirzas, or our cossacks
17
use force against them [i.e., your merchants] or
capture their goods, we will take [these goods] back and restore [them], and
compensate your merchants. And if our merchants experience violence or harm
among your people, you should also compensate their losses.
erefore we have given our present letter of agreement. Our engagements
have been recorded in this letter of agreement and we will not do otherwise.
We swear to God by the faith, His Excellency our prophet Muhammad, and by
the 124,000 prophets
18
that we will not violate our present letter of agreement
or anything that we have uttered.
To conrm this [our] rmness, our present letter of agreement [dokončalnyj
lyst] under the golden stamp and under the red seals has been sent in the year
920 aer our Prophet,
19
and in the year 1514 aer His Excellency, Prophet
Jesus, on the 29th day of the month of October, in Perekop,
20
in the town of
Qırq Yer, in the Prosperous Palace,
21
for the sake of happiness and harmony.
17
e Turkic word kazak (hence the later Slavic kozak, i.e., “cossack”) applied to
free vagabonds; cf. Chapter 6 in Part II.
18
According to a Muslim tradition (hadith), recorded in the collection of Ahmad
bin Hanbal, Allah sent 124,000 prophets to the earth, including Prophet Muhammad;
cf. Document 13, n. 3.
19
e Muslim year 920 A.H. lasted from 26 February 1514 till 14 February 1515.
20
e term Perekop, apparently entered by the Ruthenian translator, refers in the
given context to the whole Crimea and not the town of Perekop (Tat. Ferahkerman),
situated in the Crimean isthmus.
21
e Ruthenian term Ščaslyvaja Polata (“the Prosperous Palace”) is the literal
translation of the Turkish name Devletsaray, applied to the khan’s residence built in
the years 1500–1503 in Saladjıq near Qırq Yer; cf. Document 8, n. 43; Devletsaray
(i.e., Saladjıq) is identied here with Qırq Yer, although these were initially two sepa-
rate localities. During the 16th century not only Qırq Yer and Saladjıq, but also the
neighboring localities of Eskiyurt and Baghchasaray gradually began to be treated as
one locality and referred to under the common name of Baghchasaray; cf. Muzaf-
fer Ürekli, Kırım Hanlığının kuruluşu ve Osmanlı himâyesinde yükselişi (1441–1569)
(Ankara, 1989), p. 70.
DOCUMENT 16 (29 NOVEMBER 1514)
e şartname (lectra patente) regarding Poland sent
by Khan Mengli Giray to King Sigismund
[Facs. I]
Original parchment document in Italian: AGAD, AKW, Dz. tat., k. 65, t. 1,
no. 575.
76 × 43 cm. (shorter on the right side: 73 x 43 cm.)
the golden nişan of Mengli Giray (5.5 x 5.5 cm.) is impressed at the top
text (gold;
1
bottom three lines in black)
the reddish nişan of Hadji Giray (12 x 11.5 cm.) is impressed twice at the
bottom
Italian copies: a) ibidem; b) Bibl. Czart., ms. 612, pp. 163–170 (alternative
pagination: 147–154).
Polish 17th-century translation by Samuel Otwinowski: a) AGAD, AKW, Dz.
tat., k. 65, t. 1, no. 576; b) Bibl. Ossol., ms. 3555, fol. 323a–327b.
19th-century Russian translation: AGAD, AKW, Dz. tat., k. 65, t. 1, no. 576.
Bismillahi`r-rahmani`r-rahimi! La ilaha illa`llah Muhammadun rasul`llah!
As-sultanu`l-a‘zam al-haqan /
a
Mengli Gėrey Han bin Haci Gėrey Han
2
Al nome de Dio
b
incomenciamo, lo quale da felicitate et ogni bene ac quelli
chi ben se adoprano, et chi con verace et fedelmente la fraternita e ll’amicicia
coltevano, et la parola de la veritate fermamente sencza dolo et sencza fraude
observano.
Questa dunche è la fedel parola del Serenissimo Menliguerei, per la gracia
de Dio imperatore de la Grande Orda, de tucta la Tartarea et de la Gaza-
rea signore et herede et cetera, et del gran consiglio de la destra et senestra
mano sua, zoe de li legionarii, millenarii, centorioni, decurioni, et de tucti
loro satrape, duchi, et cetera:
1
Since almost the entire text is written in gold it is not rendered here in bold but
in ordinary Roman characters (cf. the Principles of publication, n. 12).
a
Here begins the inscription in the middle frame.
2
e text of the nişan: “[outer frame] In the name of God, the Compassionate, the
Merciful! ere is no god but God! Muhammad is the Prophet of God! e greatest
sultan and the khaqan, [middle frame] Mengli Giray Khan, son of Hadji Giray Khan;”
in the inner frame there is the trident-shaped emblem of the Girays (taraq tamġa);
for the reading of this nişan, cf. Mirkasym Usmanov, Žalovannye akty Džučieva ulusa
XIV–XVI vv., p. 153.
b
Written in capital letters.
620 document 16 (29 november 1514)
Sappeano tucti gli homini presenti et futuri come noi, Menliguerei, de la
Grande Orda imperatore et cetera, resguardando a le antiche confederacioni,
amicicie, et vincoli de la fraternitate, che hanno havuto et con fermecza fedel-
mente observato li nostri antecessori imperatori, zoe Tactomisch,
3
et Adzygerei,
4
et altri nostri progenitori, con li serenissimi principi, signori Wladeslao Iagelo,
re de Polonia, et Vitoldo, grandi duchi de Lifania, et semelmente con Cazimiro,
re de Polonia et gran duca de Lifania, con li quali li nostri predecessori vivendo
in optima, verace, et stabele amicicia et fraternetate, hanno sempre avuto equali
li amici e li inimici loro, immodo che lo amico del uno era amico del altro, e
lo inimico del uno era anco inimico del altro, et così li loro imperii, signorie, et
tucti li subditi indreczavano bene, et sempre li amplicavano.
Così dunche noi, Menliguerei Imperatore,
5
colli nostri glioli piccoli et
grandi, et prencepalmente con Machmetcherei Soltano,
6
et con li soi glioli,
et con li altri nostri nepoti, et anco con tucti satrape, et duchi, et olani, et
morszi,
7
et nostri subditi, sequendo li vestigii e la provedencia de li nostri
antecessori, con lo Serenissimo Prencepe, Signore Sigisimondo, per la gracia
de Dio re de Polonia et gran duca de Lifania, signore et herede de Rossia
et de Prussia, et cetera, fratello nostro carissimo, per li fedeli ambassiatori
nostri, primo per Mamisch Olan,
8
et da poi per Devlekbachti,
9
Vicenczo de
Guidulphis,
10
et Baptesta de San Nicolo,
11
da la imagene de quella antecha ami-
cicia havemo facta et contracta fra noi e li glioli nostri una fraternita, et vera,
3
I.e., Tokhtamısh.
4
I.e., Hadji Giray.
5
I.e., Mengli Giray Khan.
6
I.e., Mehmed Giray Sultan.
7
I.e., murzas or mirzas.
8
On Mamısh Ulan, the khan’s lieutenant (qaymaqam) of Qırq Yer sent to Poland-
Lithuania in 1507, see Document 9, n. 12.
9
On Devlet Bakhtı, the leader of the Barın clan, see also Document 9, n. 17.
In 1512, Devlet Bahtı along with Vicenzo de Guidulphis and Giovanni Baptista de
San Nicolo (cf. notes 10–11 below) accompanied Prince Djalaleddin, Mengli Giray’s
grandson, to Kiev and then to Vilnius, where Djalaleddin was to remain as an hon-
orary hostage. King Sigismund, then absent from Lithuania, greeted the envoys in
his letters sent from Poznań to Vilnius in February 1513; see Pułaski, Stosunki Pol-
ski z Tatarszczyzną, p. 398; Acta Tomiciana, vol. 2, p. 160. Aer the prince died for
unknown reasons in the summer of 1513, in September the envoys were sent back
along with Sigismund’s instruments of peace, issued in Ruthenian and Latin (see
Documents 10 and 11).
10
Vicenzo de Guidulphis, an Italian in the khan’s service and a member of the
embassy of 1512 (cf. n. 9 above); in a Latin letter by King Sigismund referred to as
Vincentius de Zuguls; cf. Acta Tomiciana, vol. 2, p. 160. His father, Zaccaria de
Guidulphis (or Ghisol), had been a semi-independent Genovese ruler of Matrega
(Taman’), and his mother originated from a princely Circassian family. Aer the Otto-
man conquest of Matrega, both Zaccaria and Vicenzo entered the Crimean service;
cf. Aleksandr Nekrasov, Meždunarodnye otnošenija i narody Zapadnogo Kavkaza, pp.
36–37 and 66–67.
11
Giovanni Baptista de San Nicolo, an Italian in the khan’s service and a member
of the embassy of 1512 (cf. n. 9 above); in a Latin letter by King Sigismund referred
to as Johannes Baptista de S. Nicolao; cf. Acta Tomiciana, vol. 2, p. 160.
document 16 (29 november 1514) 621
sencera, et fedele amicicia, et perpetua confederacione, et sempremai dura-
bele. Immodo che li amici nostri et de li nostri glioli et nepoti saranno amici
al Serenissimo Signor Sigisimondo, e li inimici nostri et de li nostri glioli
et nepoti saranno inimici a la Sua Serenissima Maiestate, et voltato l’ordene:
li amici de la Sua Serenissima Maiestate saranno amici nostri et de li nostri
glioli et nepoti, e li inimici de la Sua Serenessema Maiestate saranno inimici
nostri et de li nostri glioli et nepoti.
Et aczoche la nostra equale amicicia et vera fraternetate sia gia nota et
mane[fe]sta a ttucti, tanto a li amici, quanto anco a li inimici, lo Serenessemo
Signor Sigisimondo, re de Polonia et gran duca de Lifania, et cetera, sara
anco inimico a li nostri inimici, zoe a li glioli de Achmuth, et a li glioli
de Machmeth.
12
Et ad Sachmat,
13
chi è nostro inimico, lo tenera sempremai
captivo in sino a la morte, et anco non lassera mai andiare li servitori soi
a la sua libertate, ne al damno nostro, o al damno de li nostri glioli, ne
iammai ac quelli concedera libertate nessuna in lo regno suo in Polonia; et
questo prencepalmente, se noi con li nostri glioli et nepoti, subditi, legiona-
rii, murszi, millenarii, centorioni, satrape, duchi, olani, et col nostro universo
consiglio et dignitarii magestrati insieme tucti serveremo fermamente, et con
ogni integretate, sencza dolo et sencza nessona fraude, la predecta fraterne-
tate, perpetua confederacione, et equale amicicia inverso de la Sua Serenes-
sema Maiestate, et de tucto lo regno, et de li dominii, et de tucti li subditi soi,
secondo lo nostro fedele ioramento, el quale a la Sua Serenessema Maiestate
havemo facto.
Et perche esso Serenessemo Prencepe et Signor Sigisimondo, re de Polo-
nia et gran duca de Lefania, fratello nostro carissimo, tanto dal thesauro del
Regno de Polonia, quanto dal thesauro del Gran Ducato de Lefania, de la sua
regal municencia et liberalitate per poter notrire li nostri homini, se have
obligato in le altre letre soe de darene et de pagarne per ceascheduno anno de
avenere, zoe quendece milia oreni in questo modo: dal thesauro del Regno
de Polonia septe milia et cenco cento oreni, et dal thesauro del Gran Ducato
de Lefania semelemente septe milia et cenco cento oreni; et così la Sua Sere-
nessema Maiestate pachera per ceascheduno anno una rata, zoe septe milia
et cenco cento in robe, mercemonii, et prencepalmente in panni, per la festa
de Pentecoste, et l’altra rata, zoe septe milia et cenco cento oreni in denari
contati, per la festa de San Marteno;
14
in recompensa de tanta municencia
et fraterna liberalitate, la quale de anno in anno si come sopra decto ne fara
liberalmente, tanto dal Regno de Polonia, quanto dal Gran Ducato de Lefania,
noi, Menliguerei Imperatore, et anco li nostri glioli, e li nepoti, et tucti gli
altri consiliarii, duchi, satrape, mursczi, olani, et qualunche se seano subditi
nostri, promectemo et ne oblegamo, come al Serenessemo Re Sigisimondo,
12
“e sons of Ahmed and the sons of Mahmud” or “the children of Ahmed and
Mahmud”—on this customary formula, referring to the khans of the Great Horde and
Astrakhan, who were the traditional enemies of the Girays; see Document 10, n. 7.
13
On Sheikh Ahmed, the last khan of the Great Horde and the archenemy of
Mengli Giray, see Document 9, n. 27.
14
St. Martin’s Day, i.e., 11 November.
622 document 16 (29 november 1514)
fratello nostro carissimo, et al Regno de Polonia, contra ceascheduno suo ini-
mico, de qual se voglia nome se sia chiamato, che o volesse assedeare, occu-
pare, et guastare, o vero che assedeasse, occupasse, et guastasse li dominii del
Regno de Polonia, et prencepalmente le terre de Rossia et de Podolia, come
sonno li castelli czoe Camyenyecz,
15
et gli altri castelli in quelli lochi situati,
et qual se vogliano altri castelli appartenenti al decto Regno de Polonia, con
tucte le forcze nostre, ma pero con quello nomero de la nostra gente, quale
la Serenissima Regia Maiestate de lo nostro caressemo fratello demandera,
a qualunche tempo se sia che da lui saremo chiamati, perche ad ogni suo
besogno, sencza nessona demora del mondo saremo tenuti et oblegati aiutare
a la Sua Serenessema Maiestate, et anco con ogni nostro sforczo de scacciare
via a qualunche suo inimico, et se alcun castello suo fosse assedeato o vero
occopato da qual se sia inimico suo, per recoperalle, con tucte le forcze nostre
aiuteremo a la Sua Serenessema Maiestate.
Promectemo ancora, tanto per noi stessi, quanto per li glioli nostri, et
per tucti li subditi nostri, che quelli mercatanti li quali veneranno a li nostri
domini, o da lo Regno de Polonia, o vero dal Gran Ducato de Lefania, con le
robe et mercemonii loro, non li impederemo noi, ne li permecteremo essere
impedeti da altri, ne anco in altre cose damnicati; a ttucti li quali sarra libero
et ben secoro el venere, el retornare, essendole secore et salve tanto tucte loro
persone, quanto tucte le cose et le robe loro, pagando perczo le antiche gabelle
in li nostri lochi antichamente consuete, et solite iustamente pagarese. Et se
ad alcuno de li decti mercatanti sotto de questa nostra secoretate fosse facto
damno nessono da quali se siano nostri subditi, noi saremo tenoti et obligati
a li decti de pagareli, et de resarcereli a lo iusto compiemento ceaschedono
suo damno.
Et aczoche questa nostra perpetua confederacione et vera fraternetate, et
ferma et comone amicicia, facta fra noi, Menliguerei Imperatore, et anco fra
li nostri glioli et nepoti, et tucto il gran consiglio del senestro et del destro
lato nostro, et de tocti li duchi, satrape, mursczi, et fra tucti gli altri qualun-
che subditi se siano de lo nostro stato, et de quale ordene et condecione che
se siano, dal una, et fra lo Serenessemo Prencepe, Signor Sigisimondo, re
de Polonia et gran duca de Lefania, fratello nostro carissimo, et fra lo stato
de la Sua Regal Serenetate, zoe fra li consiglieri del Reame de Polonia et del
Gran Ducato de Lefania, de qual se voglia ordene et condicione, et qual se sia
suo subdito, dal altra banda, debea stare ferma et stabele, promectemo et ne
oblegamo tucte le cose promesse secondo lo ioramento el quale havemo facto
con tucti li nostri glioli et nepoti, et prencepalmente con lo illustre Mach-
methcherei Soltano, gliolo nostro, integramente servare et inconcussamente
tenere, sencza nesson dolo, et sencza fraude nessona del mondo. Et che tucte
le sopradecte promesse serveranno anco tucti li nostri praedecti subditi, ne
iammai faremo mal nessono a li dominii de la Sua Serenessema Maiestate, ne
15
I.e., Kamjanec’ (Pol. Kamieniec Podolski); the paragraph refers to the southeast-
ern Polish palatinates of Ruthenia (i.e., Red Ruthenia, centered in L’viv) and Podolia,
which were the most exposed to Tatar raids.
document 16 (29 november 1514) 623
al Reame de Polonia, ne al Gran Ducato de Lefania, ne iammai li lasseremo
far male nessuno da li nostri subditi, ma come vero fratello et sencero amico,
in tucte le cose tracteremo sempre et humanamente, et amicabelemente a la
Sua Serenessema Maiestate. Così sempre noi aiute Dio, et [cento]
16
vente qua-
tro milia prophete, et Machmectho Mustapha. Ma per piu chiara fede, et per
piu maiore testimoniancza, havemo ad questa nostra lectra patente stampati
li nostri sigilli de oro, e li sigilli rossi, si come manefestamente appare.
Data
c-
in Cherchere in Dovlat Sarai
17
et in lo angni de nove centto vinti
de nostro profetta iusto et in lo angno de Jezu Criste in mille cinque cento
quatordice et al di vintti nove novembris e ll’è scritta per mano Augustino de
Garibaldis
18
milliti auratto.
-d
Bismillahi`r-rahmani`r-rahimi! Quli`llahumma Malika`l-mulki tu’ti`l-
mulka man taşa’u.
19
/
e
La ilaha illa`llah Muhammadun rasul`llah as-sultan
Haci Giray Han
20
16
According to a Muslim tradition (hadith), recorded in the collection of Ahmad
bin Hanbal, Allah sent 124,000 prophets to the earth, including Prophet Muhammad.
us the word cento (“hundred”) must have been omitted by mistake; cf. Document
13, n. 3.
17
On the identication of Devletsaray, the khan’s new residence in Saladjıq, with
the nearby old capital of Qırq Yer, cf. Document 15, n. 21.
18
Augustino de Garibaldis, a Genovese from Caa in the khan’s service (see the let-
ter by King Sigismund, addressed to Augustino de Garibaldis, Genuensi, civi Caensi,
in Acta Tomiciana, vol. 2, p. 159), frequently sent in diplomatic missions. In 1506
Mengli Giray asked the Polish king, Alexander, to facilitate the private trip of his
“good servant” to Spain, where Garibaldis had two brothers, one of whom had recently
died; see Lietuvos Metrika. Knyga Nr. 8 (1499–1514). Užrašymų knyga 8, p. 52 (the
same letter is entered in the book no. 595 of the Lithuanian Metrica and published
in Sbornik knjazja Obolenskago, pp. 26–27); in 1510, Augustino played a key role
in the Crimean-Lithuanian rapproachement, and in February 1514 brought Mengli
Giray’s yarlıq to Vilnius; see Pułaski, Stosunki Polski z Tatarszczyzną, pp. 145–146,
356, 363–369 and Document 12; on the role of de Garibaldis in the Crimean relations
with Muscovy, see Xoroškevič, Rus’ i Krym, pp. 110–111. As late as 1524, he figured
among the Crimean officials, who swore an oath to keep peace with Muscovy; see
Malinovskij, “Istoričeskoe sobranie,” p. 413 (referred to as Agusutun knjaz’, whereas
the title knjaz’ was equivalent to bey).
c
–d
e last three lines are written in black ink by Augustino de Garibaldis with
his own hand.
19
ءﺎﺸ
ﺗ
ﻦﻣ ﻚﻠﻤﻟا ﻰﺗﺆﺗ ﻚﻠﻤﻟا ﻚﻟﺎﻣ ﻢﻬ
ﻠﻟ
ا ﻞﻗ Koranic verse from the 3rd sura (al-‘Imran,
verse 26), see Muhammad F. ‘Abd al-Baqi, al-Mu‘jam al mufahras li-alfaz al-Qur’an
al-Karim (Cairo, n.d.), p. 673.
e
Here begins the insciption in the middle frame.
20
e text of the nişan: “[outer frame] In the name of God, the Compassionate,
the Merciful! Say: ‘O God, King of the kingdom! ou givest the kingdom to whom
ou pleasest.’ [middle frame] ere is no god but God! Muhammad is the Prophet
of God! e sultan, Hadji Giray Khan;” in the inner frame of the nişan there is the
trident-shaped emblem of the Girays known in Turkish as the taraq tamġa; for the
reading of this nişan, cf. Usmanov, Žalovannye akty Džučieva ulusa XIV-XVI vv., pp.
153 and 155.