
BURLESQUE ENCYCLOPEDIA OF POPULAR CULTURE
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Burger King carved out its own niche in fast-food merchandis-
ing by means of several factors: its distinctive Whopper product, a
cooking method that relies on flame-broiling instead of frying, and
the company’s aggressive and creative advertising campaigns. Even
so, Burger King remains a distant second to its chief competitor,
holding only 19 percent of the market compared to McDonald’s 42
percent. The two fast-food giants have long had an ongoing rivalry,
each claiming superior products, and even marketing competitive
versions of each others’ sandwiches. One of Burger King’s most
successful advertising campaigns in the 1970s mocked the uniformity
and inflexibility of its rival’s fast-food production with the slogan,
‘‘Have it Your Way,’’ implying that customized orders were more
easily available at Burger King than at McDonald’s.
In 1989, Pillsbury was bought by a British firm, Grand Metro-
politan (now Diagio), which acquired Burger King in the bargain.
Knowing little about the American tradition of fast food, the British
corporation tried to ‘‘improve’’ on the burger/fries menu by offering
sit-down dinners with waiters and ‘‘dinner baskets’’ offering a variety
of choices. This well-intentioned idea sent profits plummeting, and
Burger King did not truly recover for nearly a decade. Also in the late
1990s, Burger King, in cooperation with government attempts at
welfare reform, joined an effort to offer employment to former
welfare clients. Critics pointed out that fast-food restaurant jobs in
general are so low-paid and offer such little chance of advancement
that their usefulness to individual workers is limited. Occasionally the
defendant in racial discrimination suits, the corporation that owns
Burger King was taken to task in 1997 by the Congressional Black
Caucus for discriminatory practices against minority franchise own-
ers. The company has increased its investments in African-American
banks and its support for efforts of the fledgling Diversity Foods in
Virginia in its efforts to become one of the largest black-owned
businesses in the United States.
Despite Burger King’s second position after McDonald’s, the
market for fast food is large. Perhaps one of Burger King’s own past
slogans sums up the outlook of the franchise best, ‘‘America loves
burgers, and we’re America’s Burger King.’’
—Tina Gianoulis
F
URTHER READING:
McLamore, James W. The Burger King: Jim McLamore and the
Building of an Empire. New York, McGraw-Hill, 1998.
Burlesque
The word ‘‘burlesque’’ can refer either to a type of parody or to a
theatrical performance whose cast includes scantily-clad women. The
second art form grew out of the first: ‘‘burla’’ is Italian for ‘‘trick,
waggery,’’ and the adjective ‘‘burlesca’’ may be translated as ‘‘ludi-
crous.’’ Borrowed into French, ‘‘burlesque’’ came to mean a takeoff
on an existing work, without any particular moral agenda (as opposed
to satire). The genre enjoyed a robust life on the French stage
throughout the nineteenth century, and found ready audiences in
British theaters as well.
The first American burlesques were imports from England, and
chorus lines of attractive women were part of the show almost from
the start. In 1866, Niblo’s Garden in New York presented The Black
Crook, its forgettable plot enlivened, as an afterthought, by some
imported dances from a French opera, La Biche au bois. Public
reception was warm, according to burlesque historian Irving Zeidman:
‘‘The reformers shrieked, the ’best people’ boycotted it,’’ but the
bottom line was ‘‘box receipts of sin aggregating over $1,000,000 for
a profit of $650,000.’’ The show promptly spawned a host of
imitations—The Black Crook Junior, The White Crook, The Red
Crook, The Golden Crook—capitalizing shamelessly, and profitably,
on Niblo’s success.
Two years later an English troupe, Lydia Thompson and Her
Blondes, made their New York debut at Woods’ Museum and
Menagerie on 34th St., ‘‘sharing the stage,’’ writes Zeidman, ‘‘with
exhibitions of a live baby hippopotamus.’’ The play this time was
F.C. Burnand’s classical travesty Ixion, in which the chorus, cos-
tumed as meteors, eclipses, and goddesses, thrilled the audience by
flashing their ruffled underpants in the Parisian can-can style.
The Thompson company was soon hired away to play at Niblo’s
in an arabesque comedy called The 40 Thieves. The orientalist turn
soon worked its way into other shows, including those of Madame
Celeste’s Female Minstrel Company, which included numbers such
as ‘‘The Turkish Bathers’’ and ‘‘The Turkish Harem.’’ (Even as late
as 1909, Millie De Leon was being billed as ‘‘The Odalisque of the
East,’’ i.e., the East Coast.) Orientalism was just one avenue down
which American burlesque in the last three decades of the nineteenth
century went in search of its identity in a tireless quest for plausible
excuses to put lots of pretty women on stage while still managing to
distinguish itself from what were already being called ‘‘leg shows.’’
Minstrelsy and vaudeville were fair game; so were ‘‘living pictures,’’
in which members of the troupe would assume the postures and props
of famous paintings, preferably with as little clothing as could be
gotten away with. (This method of art-history pedagogy was still
being presented, with a straight face, half a century later as one of the
attractions at the 1939 New York World’s Fair.)
By the turn of the century, burlesque shows could be seen on a
regular schedule at Manhattan’s London Theatre and Miner House
and across the East River in Brooklyn at Hyde and Behman’s, the
Star, and the Empire Theatres. Philadelphia offered burlesque at the
Trocadero, 14th Street Opera House, and the Arch, Kensington, and
Lyceum Theatres. Even staid Boston had burlesque at the Lyceum,
Palace, and Grand Theatres as well as the Howard Atheneum, where
young men who considered themselves lucky to catch a glimpse of an
ankle if they stood on street corners on rainy days (according to
Florence Paine, then a young businesswoman in the Boston shoe
trade), ‘‘could go to see women who wore dresses up to their knees.’’
(And wearing tights; bare legs would not come until later, even in
New York.)
A ‘‘reputable’’ burlesque show of the Gay Nineties, according to
Zeidman, might have a program such as was offered by Mabel
Snow’s Spectacular Burlesque Company: ‘‘New wardrobes, bright,
catchy music and pictures, Amazon marches, pretty girls and novelty
specialty acts.’’ By 1917, according to Morton Minsky (proprietor, as
were several of his brothers, of a famous chain of New York
burlesque houses) the basic ingredients of burlesque were ‘‘girls,
gags, and music.’’ Minsky describes in detail the first time he saw one
of his brothers’ burlesque shows at the Winter Garden that year, the
first half of which included a choral number (with much kicking of
legs in unison, Minsky notes), a comedy skit, a rendition of Puccini’s
‘‘Un bel di,’’ a turn by a ‘‘cooch dancer’’ (or hootchy-kootch,
vaguely derived from Near Eastern belly dancing and the prototype of
what would later be called ‘‘exotic dancing’’), a serious dramatic
sketch about a lad gone wrong who commits suicide, a second chorus,