Dixon R.M.W., Aikhenvald Alexandra Y. The Amazonian Languages (Cambridge Language Surveys)

\

I

234

E.

Loos

I

SlUlranawa

(14) [opaki]

o-paki-kin

come-down-having

'having come down'

3

GRAMMAR

3.1

Word

classes

and

no

un

phrase formation

The

open word classes are Nouns, Verbs, Adjectives

and

Adverbs; Adverbs

a;!

. mostly lirnited to time and location words. Pronouns, Demonstratives, Numbers,

P(;"~tp~~it¡~~s-'a~cÍ-

postP~;~;IParti¿I~~f~~cTo~(fs~~:'Noüñsand

Adjectív;;

areeasrryvé¡:b~li~~dbY·ad~il!~:Y.<:.t:,~_~l~~xes~!r!lo.tra~~it¡;i~~Úl!!!l~

..

~~.E~;~

meal:¡i'l~g

is

'to

be

...

'

or

'to

become

...

', otherwise the meaning will

'to

make

or

~.-.;:Tvpica¡iy,-if

the

ve~b

is

ín.eresent tense

an~~~rr~

ver9d

and

t~nse

may

be

omitte.Q

(15)

mía

l.i!.12.-wi

you

tiger-IMPER

'You be the tiger!' (ínstruction to a child in a game)

(16)

~obo-ha-wi

house-make-IMPER

'Make

a house!'

hoJin-ka?in-i

red-quickIY-PRES

'He

tums

red.'

(18)

hoJin-ha-wi

red-make-IMPER

'Make

it red!' paint it

AOV

and

SV are

the

unmarked orders; pragmatic

or

discourse conditions may

change the

order

of

all constítuents but the verb

is

last unless emphasized constit-

I

uents are postposed.

~"c\.1

"e--

~.{

Tite Pano languages

are

agglutinating, entirely suffixing land use postpositions.

The

number

of

verb suffixes can exceed

130;

many

of

them

can

be

concatenated

011

a single

verbo

8 Pallo

235

3.1.1

Noun phrase

The

noun

phrase can consist

of

a

head

and

a series

of

modifiers. There are

no

der- 1

inite

or

indefinite articles;

nouns

may be used in the adjective modifier slot:

Quantifier - Possessive - Adjective

Head-noun

Adjective -

Numeral

For

exarnple:

hawin ¡jibon

ka?ti

pon

o romUin

his palm.leaf

back

veins small

'the

little veíns

of

the back side

of

his

palm

¡eaves'

Possessives are formed by

appending

a possessive

suflix

to a noun

or

pronoull.

Some adjectives are by preference preposed to

the

head, others are postposed,

and sorne may occur in either position. When preposed, adjectives are subject to the

phonological rules

that

shorten

them. Preposed adjectives have a delirniting func-

tíon:

-

(20a)

hoa paJini

(b)

paJi

hoa

flower red

red flower

'the

reddish flower'

'a

flower that

is

red'

Two nOllns may

be

compounded,

in

which case

the

combination

is

subject to the

shortening

rules.

. (21)

[maribí}

mari-bina

agutí-wasp

'a

black W!1SP'

(a

wasp

that

is

black like

an

3.1.2

Pronoun dasses

Any constituent may be fronted

to

put

it

in

facus,

though

if

a verb

is

fronted there

~n

allxlliary verb ill final position to ca;;:yt¡:;eten;;:-Pronouns occur in free

__

.

___

._.

____

.

__

.-----.-_.~_.

,--

..

->,.---~.--

..

----_.

_

t")

form for focused A

and

S,

non-focllsed A

aríaS;and

O functions. Bound-!Orms are /

üSedwh;-;~

obliq~;;;;;=~;-~~~ki~~-suffi;-;uch

as indirect

objectiS·;dd;d.

Not

alI

p;;~-----"

.

"-sh~~'the

focus

di~tinction

iTis-f~~~1(r¡;-;a~h

of

ihe~;:;;'-;;f;;~

groups.

--..........._"._~-~--

..

,-

(22)

?tan

T (free form)

?i?-ki

'me-to'

(bound

I

)

236 El/gene

E.

Loas

3.1.3

Relative

clauses

The head noun is shifted

out

of

a relative clause

or

omitted altogether.

(23) ?aní híwi mebi te;,;pat-ai te¡¡pa hanín ?iso hontt-i

'1 big tree braneh bifureate-PRES fork

LOC

monkey

hide-PRES

'A monkey

is

hiding

in

the fork

of

a braneh that bifurcates from a

large tree.'

3.1.4 Noun phrase pluralization

Plural

is

usually marked only on the verb rather than on an

NP

in A or S funetion;

the plural on NPs

in

other

functions

is

marked only when it

is

essential for disam-

biguation. The plural marker for nominals

is

-ba, homophonous in many instanees

with the generie marker

-ba:

honi-bo (man-pl) 'men'

or

(man-GENERIC)

'mankind'. (The suffixes

and

postpositions are appended to the NP,

notjust

to the

head noun.)

(24)

?oá tsa?ot-ai-bo

his-i:

there

sit-PRES-pl

see-IMPER

'Look

at

those (who are) sitting over there!'

3.2

Transitivity

concord

AII Pano languages are characterized by a distinctive transitivity eoneord system.

Transitivity eoncord marking

is

interrelated with the systems for identifying verb

switeh-reference, sequential action, adverbs, relative c1auses, temporal

c1auses and locative expressions. The usual eonditions are:

(a) Transitivity is semantieally determined: a verb phrase

is

transitive

when it

has

an O referent that

i5

different from the A referent. The ref-

erent-identifying noun

or

pronoun need

not

be overtly expressed.

\"i;..

(25a) haa-n ta his-i-ki

3-A

'D~:éL

see-PRES-PACT

'He

sees

[it].'

(25b)

haa

ta his-ít-i?-ki

3S

DECL

see-REFL-PRES-FACT

'He

sees himself (in a mirror).'

(b)

Pano Janguages show a variety

of

split systems, the marking

of

the A

and

S being affeeted by focus.

8

Pano

237

(e) Subordinate c1auses

in

which the action

is

semantically prior in time to

their main clauses are marked aeeording

to

the transitiyity

of

the main

clause.

(d) Conjoined (sequential cJause) yerbs are marked

by the final verb suffix

as transítive

(-kí)

or intransitive (-i).

(e) Sorne adverbial verb suffixes have selectional variants that must match

the transitive

or

intransitive valenee

of

the clause.

(f) Loeatiye phrases that indicate the loeation

of

the A

or

S require

marking

to

agree with the transitivity

of

the verb

of

the clause; loea-

tive phrases

that

indieate the locatíon

of

the O take no marking.

Retlexive and reciprocal verb eonstructions are automatieally intransi-

tiye beeause the referents

of

A al'ld O are identical.

(h) The roots

01'

eompound verb stems must agree

in

transitivity.

If

the

tirst

is reflexiye, the seeond must al so

be.

Thus, transitive maya-

'to

turn' and transitive paki-

'to

fell' can both

be

made intransitive by the

reflexive suffixes

and

eombined to form a eompound verb stem:

(26a) maya-paki-wi:

turn-fell-IMPER

'Knock

it down spinning!'

mayápakitipifki

maya-t-paki-t-ipi-f-ki

turn-REFL-

fell-R

EFL-PAST2-

3-

FAeT

'He

fell

spinning.'

3.2.1

Switch-reference

Pano switch-reference

is

marked by suffixes on subordinate yerbs that also indicate

the time

of

the subordinate verb relative to the main verb. A subordinate verb may

precede

Of

follow its main

verbo

Table 8.3 shows the Capanawa suffixes. There are

corresponding forms in most other Pano languages. (Shipibo forms are given in

Lonot,

Lauriault and Day 1993: 54-7.)

The

following sentences exemplify these suffixes:

(27)

hiwi ?ani

ba!?o

kiyani bimi

tJa?o?-a~

naman

tree big ba¡¡o tall ffuit soft.become-SWa below

mi-raka?t-ai-ton ska honon

m¡ra-~on

pi·kin

earth.on-lie-PRES-SWC then peccary find-SWb

eat-CONJ

'The ba¡¡o tree

is

huge, very tall. When the fruit becomes soft

and

falls to the ground the peccary finds it

and

eats it.'

0.1

238 El/gene

E.

Loas

I

Table

8.3

Switch-reference markers in Capanawa

function

of

coreferential

argument

in:

verbal

su

bordinate action

of

subordinate clause

in

suffix

c1ause main clause

relation to action

of

main clause

SWa

-a~

S S

before

oc

same time

SWb

-~on

A/S A

before or same time

SWc -ton

A/S

O

same

lime

SWd

-a1

OflO A/S before

SWe

-no§on

AfS

A/S follows

SWf

-a1bo

A/S{must

O

follows

be

plural)

SWg

-ya

befare

or

same time

AfS differ

SWh

-non

}

{

follows

(28)

mai kinti ki kobinha-?a bi

ki

~iniska-a~

bi?miki?t-i

pO!

in

cook-SWd

but

REP

old.get-SWa

crackS-PRES

'When anyone cooks

in

a clay

pot

that

is

old, the

pot

cracks.'

(29)

?otJó

ka?-ipi-:¡

ho-ribi-?¡-ton bi?tJi-kin

mm

far going-PAsT-SWa come-again-PREs-SWC

meet-CONJ

you

hu-ribi-'lí-n ?a?-kin hawi-ya

come-again-PRF.S-INTERROG

say-cONJ

come-SWg

bi?tJí-kin

?¡'lti

hinima?-i

met-cONJ very

'He

had gone a great distance

and

upon his return she met

h1m

wilh

the words "Have you returned?" Because he carne, she rejoiced and

went

out

to meet him. So she was very happy.'

nonti 'laniha-:,;on miin pitibo.ri?bi banawi

hano

canoe enlarge-SWb your food.also plant there

napo-ya?-no:.;on

pile-l'uT-SWe

I

?\fter

enlarging your canoe, plant your food also in order to pile it

in

the canoe later.'

I

... i -

(31)

yo?a kobinha-I}on

mi?a

pa1}a-?i-ton

': ;

yucca cook-SWb on.the.surface

of

raw-be-SWc

~

birabi-kin rami10 ska kobin-non

~I

;1

other-side then cook-SWh

¡j

11

.~

8 Pano

239

'When she cooks yucca (a succulent plant), she turns over the ones

on

the surface that are raw so

that

they

will

cook on the other

side.'

(32)

hati?ibi

hato

yo?i-wi

honan-a?bo

all them

tell-IMPER

know-SWf

'Tell alt

of

them

so

that

they

wiU

know.'

3.2.2

Adverbial

suffix

concord

Sorne adverbial verb suffixes have paír:;

of

selectional variants according to the tran-

sitive

01'

intransitive valence

of

tlle verb; the adverbial suffix must agree with the tran-

or

the

verbo

For example, in Capanawa the variants for 'abrllptly, rapidly,

completely' are

-ka7in- (intransitive) and

-ba

7in-

(transitive) and the variants for

'movement towards the speaker' are

-kilran- (intransitive) and

-be

luan- (transitive).

(33a)

mapí-ka?in-i

go.up-rapidlY(INTR)-CONJ

'He

goes up (the bank) rapídly.'

(33b)

bi?-ba?in-kin

wao?i?-kiran-i haw-i

cry-coming(

INTR)-CONJ

come-CONJ

'He

came crying.'

(33d)

his-binan-kin

bi

mi?i-yama-kin

see-coming(TR)-CONJ

but

tOllch-NEG-CONJ

'He

saw it as he carne but didn't tOllch it.'

3.2.3

Locative

phrases

Locutive phrases in sentences without a verb und locative phrases that relate to the I

O take

no

transitivitv

markin~.

Locative phrases relating to the souree

or

position

those that modifv S take intransítive marking.

hano

ta?

ki

there

DECL

FACT

'There he is.' (no verb present)

(34b) hano

?ano

his-kin

there majás

see-CONJ

'He

saw the majas (rodent) there.' (the locative modifies the O)

1

240

Eugene

E.

Loos

(34c)

hano?-a~

haw-i

there-LOC(lNTR)

come-CONJ

'He

carne from there.'

(34d)

hano-¡jon his-kin

there-Loc(TR)

See-CONJ

'He

saw it from there.'

'He

rrom there saw it

at

the other

piare')

3.2.4 Ergative marking

(i)

Form

In most Pano languages, any syllable-final nasal consonant

is

realízed as nasaliza-

tion on the preceding contiguous vowels and semi-vowels. Hence nasa.lization

is

the

only ctue to the presence

of

the ergative marker

-n,

but in sorne

of

the languages the

nasalizatíon has been lost.

In Chacobo

and

Amawaca, if the verb

is

in present tense the A or S

is

automat-

ically postposed to follow the verb where it

is

not marked as A, and

is

then identi-

cal to its 'citation form'

(Le.

as an answer to 'What

is

that?') which

is

not the same

as the O

formo

Chacobo

(35)

ínaka 'dog' (citation form)

ina

Syllable reduction has reduced the word for 'dog' aboye to two syllables. Switching

the order

of

the A

and

O makes no dilference to the marking:

Chacobo

(36a) kamanó ina pi-ki ina kamanó pi-ki

tiger dog

eat-PAST

dog tiger

eat-PAST

'The tiger ate the dog.'

'The tigerate

lhe

dog.'

At first glance it appears that the reduction

of

the final syllable

of

the O noun

is

an

O-marking

devi.::e,

but

it

is

rather

pre-posing the noun to a co-conslÍtuent

that causes the reduction

of

the final

as shown when the noun

is

preposed

lo

an

adjective or P05tposition:

Chacobo

(37)

ina pistia

dog srnall

'small dog'

8 Pano

241

lt

is

possible that stress, which in Chacobo has not been satisfactorily analysed,

is

a

resídue

of

A-marking.

1t has commonly been observed that in many Pano languages the ergative marker

-n

and

the rnarkers for possessive, locative and instrumental are homophonous, but

in the underlying forms they are different. Chacobo c1early reveals sorne

of

the

dilferences that are still evident in other Pano languages in pronominal

and

demonstrative forms. For example, the locative suffix

is

-no:

Chacobo

(38a) kó-ki ba1í-no (b) kó-ki

:¡obo-no

gO-PRES

path-on

gO-PRES

house-in

'He

is

going on the path.'

'He

is

going home.'

Moving the noun with lts locative suffix into preverbal posltion causes the

1055

01'

the final consonant and vowel from ba7í-no

'on

the path'.

Chacobo

(39) ba1í kó-kiy-a

path-( on)

gO-PROG-l

sg

'(1)

am going

on

the path.'

Sirnilarly in Capanawa the locative

-no

is

preserved when attached to single-syllable

forms like the demonstrative

ha- 'tha!': ha-no (3-LOC) 'there'; but when the loca-

tive

is

affixed

lo

a noun the reduction rules reduce -no to nasalization: {jobo-no

becomes

§ob{1.

Likewise the instrumental -7an and the possessive

-na

are reduced

to nasalizatiol1 except when attached to a single-syllable form

or

when not preposed

to Ihe head

nOUl1,

as

in

halVina 'his'.

(ii)

FUllctiol!

There are a number

of

kinds

of

ergative system in Pano languages.

(a) Sorne, such as Wariapano, have a split systern, with nouns having S

and

O

marked in the same

way

(absolutive and A dilferently (ergative),

but

pronouns

having S

and

A marked

in

the same

way

(nominative and O dilferently (acclJ-

sative).

(b) Others, such as Shipibo, have both nouns

and

pronouns showing an absolu-

tive (SO) versus ergative (A) system.

(e) Capanawa has a third type

of

organization. Here emphatic pronouns are like

nouns in having ergative suffix

-n marking A function, with S and O

len

unrnarked.

Non-emphatic pronouns show a dilferent system with

-n marking both S

and

A

functions, while O

is

left unrnarked. The forms

of

the 1st person prono

un

are:

242

Ellgene

E.

Loos

emphatic

non-emphatic

.1

S,O

?t-a

O fi?-

A ?t-a-o A,S

fi-o

A dallse can

ind

ude

just

one instance

of

a non-emphatic pronoun, as

in:

(40a)

intransítive

ra?ma

ta?

?t-n ka-?i

now

DECL

loSA

gO-PRES

'{'m goíng now.'

transitive

kapt

tal

?i-n

his-i

alligator

DECL

I-SA

see-PRES

'1

see

an

alligator.'

A pronoun can be repeated at the beginning

of

a

c1allse

to show

that

it

is

in focus.

As long as it

is

non-emphatíc, a nominative (marked by -n)/accllsative system

is

still

followed; for example:

(4Ia) intransítive

'(t-n

ta?

?ton

ka-?i

I-SA

DECL

loSA

gO-PRES

'1

am goil1g.'

b)

transitive

?Í:-11

ta?

?Í:-n

pí-?i

I-SA

DECL

I-SA

eat-PRES

'[

am eating [it].'

However, ir lhe focused pronoun

is

in

emphatic lorm, an absolutive/ergative

(marked

by

-11)

system

of

marking

is

llsed; for example:

(42a)

intransitive

?i-a

ta?

?i-n

ka-?i

I-EMPH+SO

DECL

loSA

gO-PRES

'1

am going.'

(42b)

pronoun in A

fUl1ction

?i-a-n

ta?

?i-n

l-EMPH-A

DECL

loSA

eat-PRES

'1

am eating [it}.'

;J

j

'¡

'".,,"

8

Pano

243

(42c)

transitive, emphatic pronOlln in O fllnction

n-a

ta

?onan-i?-ki

I-EMPH

+SO

DECL

know-PRES-FACT

'He

kl10ws

me.'

Note, in (42c), that a 3rd person non-emphatic pronoun

in

A

or

S function has zero

realization.

3.3

Nouo

incorporation

Pano languages have

no

prefixes. There

is,

however, incorporation

of

sorne noun

roots immediately before the verb. Typieally, about forty-five nouns may be incor-

porated, mostly body parts plus things Iike 'Iiquid'

and

'inside

of'.

When ineorpo-

rated, their meaning may be extended, e.g. 'face' can now mean 'surface

0[',

There

are occasional examples

of

two nouns being incorporated to a single

verbo

In

Cashibo incorporation

is

no longer productive, there

beingjust

al1

arehaie residue.

lncorporated forms are all monosyllabic. Sinee they add a syllable

to

bisyllabic

words, the words become subiect to the svllable reduction rules.

(43)

[popakí]

po-pan-kin

poyan-pano-kin

arm-wash-coNJ

'to

wash the arm

(of

someone)'

3.4

Verb

formation

3.4.1

Verb

roots

Verb roots are inherently intransitive ('to sleep'), reflexive ('to sit down'), transitive

('to

eat')

or

ditransitive

('to

The verb rool may be compound, formed

by

joining two roots:

(44)

forópakiti

forot-paki-t-i

ftow-fall-REFL-PR

ES

'It

flows down.'

Many Pano languages have a

few

verbs that take an O

but

are marked as intransi-

live, such as Capanawa

pali-

and

kiin-

'to

want', piJin-

'to

laek'. Intransitives can

be

made

transitive by a transitivizing thematíc suffix

('to

make',

'to

cause',

'to

involve transitives ean be made intransitive by a reflexive

or

reciprocal sllffix.

\

El/gene

E.

Loas

244

3.4.2 Suffixes

In

sorne languages

more

than

130 verb suffixes

are

available.

The

suffixes

tend

to

faH

into

9 groups,

each

group

having

semantie

or

functional features in

common

and

sharing

a preferential

order

with respect

to

the

other

groups. Beginning c10sest

to

the verb stem,

the

general

order

is (1) thematies, (2) negation, (3)

motion,

(4)

aspects, (5)

person

and

tense,

mood

and

subordinate

markers, (7) evidentials, (8)

negation,

(9) conneetives.

Eaeh

group

contains

some

suffixes

that

are semantically

mutually

exclusive with

one

another

and

others

not

mutually exclusive

but

whieh

follow a preferential

order

within the group.

The

further

to

the right their oceur-

renee in the string

of

suffixes, the greater the

corresponding

semantie

seope regard-

ing

other

eonstituents

of

the c1ause.

Group

l.

Thematics

Group

I suffixes

complete

the

thematie

structure

of

the verb,

such

as

morphemes

that

signal retlexive, reciprocal, causative, transitivizer, benefactive, detrimental

and

dative

of

interest.

A reflexive is always íntransitive.

(45)

[tamánt?ta~ki]

ta-ma

?ni-t-a-1?-ki

foot-switch-REFI.-PASTI-3-FACT

'He

took

a step.' (lit.

'He

switched his foot.')

(46)

mayápakitipiJki

maya-t-paki-t-ipí-J-ki

turn-REFL-fell-REFL-PAST2-3-FACf

'He

fel!

spinning.

haa

ta

í'aí'-mi-bi

ri?ti-t-a-~-ki

3S

OECL

3-REFL-eVen

kill-REFL-PASTI-3-FAcT

'He

killed himself.'

Reciprocals

are

marked

by the

thematic

suffix

-nan

and

are

always intransitive.

In

a reciprocal c1ause

the

S

NP

refers to

the

group

of

participants, for example,

(48)

haa-bo

rabi

la

his-inan-í-ki

3-pl

two

DECL

see-RECIP-PRES-FACf

'Both

of

Ihem

are

at

each

other.'

haatian-bi

ta

his-inan-ipi-kana-~-ki

there-INTENSlf'IER

DECL

see-RECIP-PAST2-PL-3-FACf

'Right

there

they looked

at

one

another.'

8

Pano

245

Group

2. Negatives

and

strong

affirmatives

There

are

two possible locations in

the

verb suffix string for negatives:

group

(2)

-yama-

'not'

and

group (8)

-ma

'not'o

The

morpheme

-yama- follows the thematics, may

be

interspersed

among

groups (3)

and

(4),

and

always precedes the tense

or

terminal

group.

In

Shipibo,

Capanawa

and

many

other

languages,

-yama-

is

used

in

all forms

of

finite

and

subordinate verbs,

but

nouns,

predicate nominals, nominalized verbs

and

relative c1auses

are

negated by

postposing

-ma

to

the tense

or

to

the

nominal.

In

Yaminawa

and

Sharanawa

-yama-

is

used only in verbs having a future

or

incom-

pletive tense

or

aspect

and

in

the

imperative

mood,

otherwise

-ma

is

used,

postposed

to

the tense

as

described

above.In

some

languages -yama- also functions

as

a verb stem:

yama

ta

ha-i-ki

not

DECL

AUX-PRES-FAC.j

'There

aren't

any.'

or

'There

is

nothing.'

(51)

mía

ta?

?in

yama-ha-?ipi-ki

you

DECL

lsg

NEG-make-PAST-FACT

'1

missed

you.'

CamclIlnawa

(52)

See-NEG-IMPER

'Don't

look!'

(53a)

í'¡ah

ka-i-mba

gO-PRES-NEG

Tm

not

going.'

be.PRES

(53b)

ka-yamba-wi

gO-NEG~IMPER

'Don't

gol'

3.

Adverbs

of

motion

such

as

downward,

circular,

to

one

side,

along

another

referent,

direction

to

or

away

from

the

speaker, action

done

over

a distance.

Group

4.

Aspectual

adverbs

of

daytime

or

night-time

activity, quickly, desiderative,

truly, intensively, first,

just,

next, perhaps, again.

Group

5.

Person

markers,

plural

markers, tenses,

aspects

of

duration.

Groups

5

and

6

are

generally final;

at

least

one

from

either

group

is generalIy obligatory

on

the

verb

though

diseourse

constraints

allow variation.

\

¡

El/gene

E.

Loos

246

Group

6.

Markers

of

subordinate verbs, nominalization, conditional, permissive,

conjunctive, illterrogative

and

imperative.

The

interrogative indicators vary

in

form

and

location; sorne

attach

to

the verb

and

others are postposed to the ¡nitia!

major

constituent

of

the sentence:

Sltipibo

(54) mi-a

ki

ho-a

2-S

INTERROG

come-PASTI

'Have you come?'

Capanall'Q

(55) min haw-i-n

2S

come-PRES-INTERROG

'Have

you come?'

Group

7.

COl1tail1s

evidentials (e.g.

'factuar,

'reported',

'assumed')

and

also

mood

markers

and

other

morphemes that indicate

in

tended iIIocutionary force,

and

though they attach

as

suffixes to the verb sorne may also be fronted

to

the begin-

ning

of

the

sentence where they attach

lo

whatever

is

focused.

In

the answer

part

of

there are two evidentials:

-s-

'visible'

and

-ki 'fact',

and

the

declarative

mood

marker

-la-o

(56) Question:

mama

ka?rii?

mother

what.about

'Where is mother?'

Answer:

?oá-s-ta

haw-i-ki

there-VISIBLE-DECL

come-PRES-FACT

'There

she comes,

in

fact).'

Group

8.

Mutually exclusive with so me

of

graup

7

and

contains

only the negative

-n/a.

Group

9.

Contains

logical connectives

of

various types, e.g. 'because', 'since',

'when',

'of

course',

'indeed',

'but',

'although',

'even though', 'for'. They are

more

loosely

bound

to

the

verb than the

other

groups

and

are often found written as inde-

pendent particles.

The

Capanawa

connective kin 'becallse'

is

an

example:

(57)

haa

;?obo-?o rakat-ai-kt

ta?

?i

haw-ipi-ki

that house-in lie-PREs-because

DECL

IS

come-PAST2-FACT

'1

carne beca use she was in that house

hospital).'

8 Pano

247

There may be

more

than

one

occurrence

of

affixes in groups

(l)-{

4) in

the

same

verbo

For

example,

the

causative -ma- introduces

an

O

argument

to

the

verbo

When

more

than

one

causative occurs, each introduces a new argumento In (58) the

arguments

are differentiated by subscripts.

(58) bi?-ma-ma-wi

grasp-CAUS-C

AUS-TMPER

'(You) make (him¡) get

to

get (it

3

).'

miin bene

kHn-yama-yama-w.

your

husband

want-NEG-NEG-IMPER

'Do

not

despise

your

husband!'

(lit.

'Do

not

not-Iove

your

husband!')

There

are generally strong preferences in the

order

of

suffixes between groups 1

and

4,

and

similarly within each

group

there is a preferentíal internal arder; when the

order

changes thefe

is

a

corresponding

difference

01'

seo pe, the rightmost suffix

having the widest scope.

his-ma-ri?bi-wf

see-cAus-again-IMPER

'Show

it

to

him

(61)

his-ribi-ma-wi

see-again-cAuS-IMPER

'Make

him take a second ¡ook!'

Within groups 5, 6

and

7 the

order

is fixed,

though

in sorne languages the plural

marker

precedes certain tenses

and

follows others. Sorne

Pano

languages have

tcur

or

more

past tenses but the future tense set does

not

always mirror the

past

tense sel

in

the

spans

of

time covered.

AII

Pano

languages seem

to

have a large

number

of

verb stems that termínate in

-i

or

-a; -i verbs

are

intransitive,

'beldo';

and

-a verbs are transítive,

'do'.

The

form

of these verbs must be lexicalizations of periphrastic constructions

tormed

on

the

auxiliary verbs

?i?k-

'to

be, do, say'

and

?a7k-

'to

do',

e.g.

Capanawa

tofi-

'to

burst',po~a-

'to

crush'.

Repetition

af

part

of

the

verb

to

show

duratíon,

intensity

or

repetition can

include sorne

of

the suffix string

(up

to

and

including

group

4) attached

to

the

verb

stem:

(62)

han

pi-pana n

ta?

min

hini-ba?in

3S eat-would

DECL

2

release-completely

hini-ba?in-ai

release-completelY-PRES

248

Eugelle

E.

Loas

'She [the

cow)

would eat [the grass you olfer her) but you always let

go

of

it

(so it falls down).'

3.5 Mood indicators

Pano mood indicators are part

of

suffix

group 7 and are either (1) indicators

of

intended iIIocutionary force,

or

(2) indicators

of

speaker attitude towards the

addressee

or

towards the articulation. All modify the whole sentence and tend to

oceur either at the end

of

the verb

affix

or

postposed to the first major con-

\

sti tuen t

of

the sen tence.

3.6 Deictics

It

is

eommon

to

find that, in discourse, explicit

NP

reference

is

kept to an absolute

minimum. The switeh-referenee system enables Iisteners to identify many referents,

and demonstrative pronouns are sometimes used to point to a referent since there

are no definite

or

indefinite artides. Pronouns may be anaphorieally omitted, unless

needed for disambiguation.

In general the identifica

tia n system for the referents

of

focus and topic

is

that,

after a referent has been

put

in focus by fronting, ít

is

thereafter referred to by

'zero' pronouns

(Le.

pronominal relerenee to it

is

omitted) but a topie referent

the discourse is about), identified

al

the beginning

of

the discourse and

not specified can

be

identified by a personal

or

possessive

pronoun.

In dialogue the demonstrative pronouns are used to differentiate referents,

for

example

in

Capanawa:

(63)

niá

'this' (near the speaker)

?oá

'that'

(away

from speaker)

toá

'that'

(near the addressee)

haa

'that' (whatever has been referred to

in

context)

nino

'here'

(near the speaker)

hano

'there' (away from the speaker)

or

(the place

previollsly referred to)

10no 'there' (away from speaker and addressee)

?ohno

'over there'

(far from speaker and addressee)

8

Pano

249

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J.

C.

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N.

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1968.

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E. E.

1973.

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63-132

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¡

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El/gene

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1986.

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S.

1981.

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vol.

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P.

F.

M.

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1970.)

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S.

G.

1992.

Datos

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'Coda

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!JAL.

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and

Prost, M. 1962. 'Signalling of transitive

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intransitive in

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Una

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Lingüística Peruana,

13.

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Scott.

E.

and

Frantz, D. G. 1973.

'La

pregunta en

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y constreñimientos propuestos

sobre la permutación

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A.

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'Pano

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1973.

'Los

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10. Pem: Instituto Lingüístico de Verano.

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S.

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of

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7.

Peru: Instituto Lingüístico de

Verano.

9

Makú

SI LVANA

AND

VALTEIR

MARTINS

1

The

Makú

family eonsists

of

four languages belonging to seven

tTibes

- see table

9.1.

One

is

spoken around the Middle Rio Negro in

Sranl,

with the others ranging

from the U pper Rio Negro to the region

of

the Vaupés and Japurá spanning Brazil

and

Colombia (see map

8).

2

The two groups belong to different linguistie areas and

ditTer

in

their grammatieal strueture.

The

Makú

J

are nomadic hunters and gatherers. They have a

10w

soeio-eeonomic

status among other indigenous peoples

of

the speakers

of

Arawak and

Tueano languages, who specialize in slash-and-burn agriculture. The

Makú

live in

sma1l

groups along little streams, avoíding rivers, and províding their

bOllrs

wilh fish-poison (timbó) and game, receíving manioc in exchange. Asjungle

dwellers, they are believed to possess supranatural magical power. Like the Pygmies

in Africa, they are des

pi

sed and fea red at the same time.

We

are

grateful

to

Elias Coelho ror

Puínave-spoken

in the regíon

of

the Inirida river in

Colombia

(see

chapter

13

below) has

sometimes

beenlinked

to

Makú,

as

a Makú·Puinave famíly. In fact, no genetic relationship

between

Makú

languages

and

Puinave has as yel becn proven.

3

The

lerm

'Makú'

is

used as a pejorative term lor

Indians

in the regional varieties

of

Portuguese spoken

in

lhe

Upper

Rio Negro. This

term

may

be

01'

Arawak

ing

10 Koch-Grünberg (190Gb: 877) the ter m was tirst uscd by Arawak peoplcs with refcr-

cncc

to

lhe

original nomadic population.

cf.

Baniwa-Kurripako ma-aku (negation-speak)

'those

who

cannot

spcak'

(also see Weír 1984: 15).

Makú

languages considered here should

nol

be confused with the following

other

groups

to

which this

na

me

is

sorne times applicd:

(i)

Makú,

or

Máku,

ao cnd,\ngered language spoken by a

few

old people

on

the

river Auari, tributary

of

the Uraricoera which Ilows into the Río Branco,

Roraima, Brazil (see Migliazza 1985) this is bríelly discussed in

§1.6of

chapter

3 below;

(ii) Mako, also known as

Cofán-Makú,

spoken

around

the lake

of

Cuyabeno, in

Colombia

and

Ecuador

(Ihis

fa

lis oulside Amazonia);

(iií)

Makú,

also known as Sáliba-Maco,

or

Maco-Piaroa, which

is

a

group

of

the

Sáliba-Piaroa family (see

§3

of

chapler

13

below), spokcn in the savannas

between the lower Ventuari and Orinoco in Venezuela.

I

\

252 Si/l'ana

and

Valteir Martins

o

I

3!1O~700W

65

0

Map

8

Makú

languages

and

díalects with approximate locations

They have traditional economic ties with Arawak-

and

Tucano-speaking peoples.

Arawak- or Tucano-speaking subclans usually enter ¡nto a 'master-underling

'

rela-

tionshi p with a particular group

of

Makú (hence denominations

of

the type: Makú

of

Kubeo or Makú

of

Tucano,

in

table 9.1). The Makú are maínly endogamous,

and they do not form

part

of

the marriage network

in

lhe Vaupés regíon, being con-

sidered inferior

and

'unrnarriageable' (Jackson 1976;

and

chapter

14

below). They

lack the 'obligatory' rnultilingualísrn associated wíth 'linguistic' exogarny,

so

strik-

ing among the Tucano- and Tariana-speaking peoples

of

the Vaupés.

Makú-speaking men usually have sorne knowledge

of

the Tupinambá-based

creole Língua Geral (in the region

of

Middle and Upper Rio Negro),

of

Tucano

the Vaupés),

or

of

Portuguese and/or Soanish. Women

and

children tend to be

The Makú are believed

to

be the original population

of

the Upper Río Negro

(Nirnuendajú

1982:

169;

Galvao

1979:

147),

subsequently conquered by Arawak-,

and then by Tucano-speaking peoples. According to the oral tradition

of

the

Desana, Tuyuca, Kubeo, Tariana

and

Baniwa peoples, a

few

Makú groups actually

lost theír

OWt1 languages and started lIsing languages

of

their 'conquerors'; these

'forrner Makú' llsually have a lower status

in

the internal hierarchy

of

their tribes

(see Koch-Grünberg 1906b:

878;

Janet Barnes

9 Makú

253

Table

9.1

The Makú languages

in

Brazil and Colombia

Middle Río

Negro

(Brazil)

1 Nadeb-Kuyawi (Nd-Ku)

Nadeb

(Nd)

is

also known as NadobO, Anodiíb.

Makunadiíbo,

Guariba.

Guariba-

tapuyo, Kabori,

or

Cabori.

and

Xiriwai. There

are

around

400 speakers mainly

on

the

Uneiuxi ríver - a tributary

of

the Middle Rio Negro

and

along the

Japurá

river.

Kuyawi (Ku)

has

around

20 speakers in

lhe

village

Bom

Jardim, on the

south

shore

of

the Middle Río Negro.

The

Upper

Río Negro and

Vaupés

(Brazil and Colombia)

2

Dáw

(D)

(regional pejorative

name

Kama)

Therc

are

around

83 speakers

of

Daw, currently living

in

one

community near

Sao

Gabriel

da

Cachoeira, Brazil.

3 I1upda-Yuhup (Hu-Yu)

Hupda

(Hu)

is

known as

Makú

of

Tucano

and

is spoken by

around

1,900

people. oceu-

pying a considerable area bctwecn the rivers

Papud

and

Tiquié in Brazil

and

Colombia.

Yuhup

(Yu)

is

spoken by

around

400 speakers in

10

small communities between the

Upper

Rio

Negro, ¡he Tiquié

and

their tributaries,

and

in ¡he region

of

the

Upper

Japurá,

Apaporis

and

Traíra.

and

Caquetá.

in Brazil

and

Colombia.

4

Kakua-Nukak

(Kk-Nk)

Kakua

(Kk)

is

also known as Bará,

or

Makú

or

Kubeo,

or

Makú

of

Guanano.

There

are

approxirnately

220

speakers, along the lower Vaupés

and

the Papurí. in

Colombia

near

the Brazilian bordcr.

Nukak

(Nk)

is

spoken by

around

300--600

speakers scattered in jungle regions between

the Guaviare

and

Inírida rivers, in Colombia.

Most

of

Ihe Makú

of

the Middle and Upper Río Negro were contacted by white

people in the early twentieth century. Sorne groups, e.g. the Nllkak, were completely

lInknown to the outside world until the

19805.

2

GENETIC

CLASSIFICATlON

The

Makú

languages are listed

in

table 9.1. Abbreviations used

in

this chapler are

after each name.

The

genetic unity

of

Makú

langllages

was

suggested by Koch-Grünberg (1906b),

Rivet

and

Tastevin (1920),

and

then by Nirnuendajú (1950/5,

1982).

Recent corn-

parative studies show affinities in pronominal paradígms (but not in

other

gram-

rnatical markers); about 300 cognales have been established across the farnily

Martins forthcoming). Examples

of

lexical cognates are:

4

Nd,

Ku

7ib,

YlI,

Hu, Kk

7ip,

D, Nk

7i:p

'father';

Nd,

Ku

lib,

Yu,

Hu, Kk tip, D tip 'egg';

4 Raised figures in

Kakua

examples indicate tones.

Dixon R.M.W., Aikhenvald Alexandra Y. The Amazonian Languages (Cambridge Language Surveys)

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