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Jonas, Susanne. The Battle for Guatemala: Rebels, Death Squads, and

U.S. Power. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1991.

Mahler

, Sars. American Dreaming: Immigrant Life on the Margins.

Princeton, N.J.: P

rinceton U

niversity Press, 1995.

Manz, B. Refugees of a Hidden War: The Aftermath of Counterinsurgency

in Guatemala. Albany: S

tate University of New York Press, 1988.

Meredith, D

ianne. “Guatemalan Refugees and Their Process of Adap-

tation in Toronto.” M. A. thesis, York University, 1992.

Perera, Victor. Unfinished Conquest: The Guatemalan Tragedy. Berke-

ley: U

niv

ersity of California Press, 1993.

Popkin, Eric. “Guatemalan Mayan Migration to Los Angeles: Con-

structing Transnational Linkages in the Context of the Settle-

ment Process.” Ethnic and Racial Studies 22, no. 2 (1999):

267–289.

odrigue

z, N., and J. M. Hagan. “Undocumented Central American

Migration to Houston in the 1980s.” Journal of La Raza Studies

2, no. 1 (1989): 1–4.

Vlach, Norita.

The Quetzal in Flight: Guatemalan Refugee Families in

the United S

tates. Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 1989.

Wright, Ronald. “Escape to Canada.” Saturday Night 102, no

. 5

(1987): 44–52.

guest children

With Europe engulfed in war starting in 1939, charitable

organizations petitioned the Canadian government to pro-

vide asylum for child refugees, including Jews living in

Britain, France, Switzerland, Spain, and Portugal. Eventually

more than 4,500 children and 1,000 mothers were allowed

to immigrate, but virtually all were non-Jewish Britons.

With the outbreak of World War II, the Canadian

National Committee for Refugees (CNCR) and Canadian

Friends Service Committee (CFSC) encouraged the Cana-

dian government to admit 100 continental Jewish children

who had been temporarily relocated to Britain. Initial steps

were taken to allow them in, with the costs being borne by

the private agencies. With British entry into the war in sum-

mer 1940, however, the Canadian government reversed its

decision. The ruthless Nazi German bombing of civilian

populations in Britain led to widespread sympathy for the

resettlement of British children, and more than 50,000

Canadians offered to host children and mothers until the

end of the war, which came in 1945. Despite the fact that

Canadian Jews were prepared to host the previously

approved Jewish children, the government refused to

include them in the evacuation plan, fearing that it would

lead to immigration of their families following the war. The

Canadian government approved a plan to host up to 10,000

British children, with Britain responsible for screening and

transportation costs, Canadian provincial agencies and relief

organizations responsible for placement, and private citizens

responsible for daily care. After about 1,500 children were

placed, the sinking of the SS City of Benares on September

14, 1940, and the resulting deaths of 73 childr

en, led to

discontinuation of the guest childr

en program.

Further Reading

Bilson, Geoffrey. T

he Guest Children: The Story of the British Child

Evacuees Sent to Canada during World War II. Saskatoon, Canada:

Fifth H

ouse, 1988.

Foster, D. S. Davies, and H. Steele. “The Evacuation of British Chil-

dren during World War II: A Preliminary Investigation into the

Long-Term Psychological Effects.” Aging and Mental Health 7,

. 5 (2003): 398–408.

Kno

wles, Valerie. Strangers at Our Gates: Canadian Immigration and

mmigr

ation Policy, 1540–1997. Rev. ed. Toronto: Dundurn

Press, 1997.

Gutierrez, Jose Angel (1944– ) lawyer, professor,

civil rights activist

Jose Angel Gutierrez was one of the earliest leaders of the

HICANO

movement, helping to elect five Chicano city

council members in the face of threats and Jim Crow laws.

While attending St. Mary’s University in San Antonio,

Texas, in 1967, Gutierrez helped establish the Mexican

American Youth Organization (MAYO). After returning to

his Texan hometown of Crystal City, he organized Chi-

cano students in walkouts to protest discrimination and

misrepresentation of the Mexican heritage in the local

school system. In 1970, Gutierrez helped found L

AZA

NIDA

ARTY

(LRUP), the political arm of the Chicano

movement; two years later, he was elected national chair-

man of the organization. Although LRUP enjoyed some

local successes, it never found favor nationwide and

declined as the 1970s wore on. In 1976, Gutierrez received

a Ph.D. in political science from the University of Texas.

Later, he also obtained a law degree from the University of

Houston Law School. In 1996 he was fired from his posi-

tion as director of the Mexican American Studies Center at

the University of Texas at Arlington but was later reinstated.

He resigned his position there in December 1996, citing

the ongoing discrimination against which he had directed

much of his life’s work.

In his autobiography, Gutierrez addressed the question

of self-identification, explaining “how I became a Chicano

and why I never became a Hispanic.” Hispanics, he argued,

identified themselves with the white, European side of their

culture, while Chicanos valued the native and mixed ances-

try that was common to most Mexicans (see H

ISPANIC AND

RELATED TERMS

Further Reading

Compeon, Mario, and Jose Angel Gutierrez. La Raza Unida Party in

Texas: S

peeches. New York: Pathfinder Press, 1970.

DeLeon, D

avid. Leaders from the 1960s: A Biographical Sourcebook of

American A

ctivism. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1994.

Gutierr

ez, Jose Angel. The Making of a Chicano Militant: Lessons from

Cristal. M

adison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1998.

Mey

er, Nicholas E. “Gutierrez, Jose Angel.” In Biographical Dictionary

of Hispanic A

mericans. New York: Facts On File, 2001.

114114 GUEST CHILDREN

Gypsy immigration (Roma immigration,

Romany immigration)

Gypsies, because of their itinerant lifestyle both in E

ope

and in North America, are among the most difficult immi-

grants to understand or characterize. Although most of the

dozen or so Gypsy groups that inhabit North America trace

their ancestry back to northern India and Pakistan, across

the centuries, their paths and cultures diverged, and each

considers itself a distinct ethnic group. The U.S. census of

2000 did not include a specific category for ethnic origins

not associated with country of origin, but estimates place the

number of U.S. Gypsies at more than 100,000. According

to the Canadian census of 2001, 2,590 Canadians claimed

“Gypsy (Roma)” descent, though the actual number is sig-

nificantly higher. Because they emigrated from many coun-

tries across a long period of time, and each group had its

preferred means of livelihood, Gypsies are found in most

parts of the United States and Canada in both urban and

rural areas. The largest concentrations are probably in Los

Angeles and Chicago in the United States and Toronto and

Montreal in Canada.

Gypsies first migrated from India through Persia and

the Byzantine Empire under uncertain circumstances some-

time before the 10th century. They entered the Balkan

Peninsula with the Ottoman expansion of the 14th century.

By 1505, they had reached as far north and west as Scotland.

Occasionally they were welcomed, but usually their travel-

ing lifestyle led to suspicion and frequently to persecution

wherever they were. With no centralized government or set-

tled institutions, Gypsies as a group fragmented, becoming

broadly identified with the various regions of their travels.

Spanish Gypsies are often referred to as “calos” or “gitanos”;

Romanian, as “Ludar”; eastern European, as “Roma”; and

English, as “R

omnichels.” H

ungarian-Slovak Gypsies are

more settled and usually referred to simply as “Gypsies.”

These divisions were almost always maintained in the New

World.

The term Gypsy was taken from the word Egyptian, as

opeans in the Middle Ages believed them to have origi-

nated there. Although many scholars and some European

Gypsies prefer the designation Rom (plural, Roma) or

Romany most American and Canadian groups still refer to

themselv

es as “G

ypsies.” The terms Gypsy and Rom are out-

side attempts to classify all the nomadic or seminomadic

oups originating in southern Asia in a single categor

despite the fact that many managed to maintain their eth-

nic distinctiveness in Europe during the modern era. Fur-

ther confusing the situation are a number of peripatetic

groups—German, Scots, Irish, American, and others—who

largely adopted Gypsy culture but were not related by blood

to the first Gypsy immigrants. Gypsies traditionally orga-

nized themselves into extended family clans; engaged in itin-

erant trades including tinkering, smithing, and music

performance; and frequently moved, avoiding both govern-

ment service and taxation. As a result, they were oppressed

in most countries, sometimes even enslaved or forced to

settle, or having their children removed and put into insti-

tutions. During World War II (1939–45), Nazi Germany’s

leader, Adolf Hitler, murdered more than 250,000 Gypsies

in an attempt to exterminate the group. Unlike most rooted

ethnic groups, Gypsies embraced many religious faiths,

though they practiced each within their own cultural tradi-

tions. In the first decade of the 21st century, Gypsies still

routinely suffered racial prejudice, especially in eastern

Europe, where their unemployment rates were routinely five

to 10 times higher than the national average.

The first Gypsies came to the New World as a result of

deportations from England, France, Portugal, and Spain

during the 17th and 18th centuries. Significant numbers of

Romnichels immigrated to the United States around 1850,

where they found a steady livelihood in the horse trade prior

to World War I (1914–18). Many Gypsies, including the

Roma, the Ludar, the Baschalde, and the Romungre, arrived

as part of the

NEW IMMIGRATION

after 1880, their num-

bers subsumed in immigration figures for the various states

from which they came. The Roma came mainly from Serbia,

Russia, and Austria-Hungary and have been the group most

studied. Many Roma specialized in coppersmithing and

therefore migrated to urban areas to repair industrial equip-

ment. In the cities, they also developed fortune-telling as a

business. The Ludar came mainly from northwestern Bosnia

and worked in traveling circuses and other animal shows.

The Baschalde came from Slovakia and Hungary, and the

Romungre from Hungary and Transylvania (Romania). As a

result of the wars in former Yugoslavia during the 1990s,

Gypsies found themselves persecuted by every side and often

targeted for genocide. In 1999, the United States pledged

to take up to 20,000 Kosovar refugees, many of whom were

Gypsies.

Most Gypsies in Canada are Roma, though they

include several tribes or subgroups, including the Kalderash

and the Lowara. Few records exist, but they probably began

to immigrate around 1900. Clearly some Roma entered the

United States from Winnipeg and Montreal as early as 1903.

Gypsies migrated in Canada and found a better reception

in the west, where there were large numbers of Slavic peoples

who had come from eastern Europe and the Balkans. A few

homesteads were established in Alberta, but they often

became absentee landlords as they traveled. By the 1920s,

most Gypsies were moving to the cities, where they fre-

quently inhabited empty stores, setting up fortune-telling or

other small businesses in the front and living in the back.

By the 1990s, there was a growing Gypsy population of

400–500 in Vancouver, British Columbia. In 1997, televi-

sion reports of a successful Roma family in Canada led sev-

eral hundred Czech Gypsies to immigrate to Canada, which

did not require visas from Czech citizens, and then to apply

for asylum. With as many as 5,000 Gypsies considering

115GYPSY IMMIGRATION 115

116

immigration, in November 1997, the Canadian government

instituted visa requirements, making it more difficult for

Gypsies to enter Canada. The mayor of one Czech town

agreed to help pay their airfare, in return for their apartment

rights and renunciation of their permanent residence status,

reinforcing accusations of Czech racism. Although most of

the original immigrants were granted refugee status or oth-

erwise allowed to remain, further Gypsy immigration was

limited.

Further Reading

Crowe, David M. A History of the Gypsies of Eastern Europe and Rus-

sia. N

ew York: St. Martin’s, 1996.

Fonseca, I

sabel. Bury Me Standing: The Gypsies and Their Journey.

New York: Knopf, 1995.

raser

, Angus. The Gypsies. 2d ed. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1995.

opper, R. C. Gypsies in the City: Culture Patterns and Survival.

Princeton, N.J.: Darwin Press, 1975.

enrick, D

onald, and Gillian Taylor. Historical Dictionary of the Gyp-

sies (Romanies). Lanham, N.J.: Scar

ecrow Press, 1998.

Lockwood, W

. G., and S. Salo, eds. Gypsies and Travelers in North

merica: An Annotated Bibliography. Cheverly, Md.: Gypsy Lore

Society

, 1994.

Lucassen, Leo, et al. Gypsies and O

ther I

tinerant Groups: A Socio-His-

torical Approach. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1998.

Pux

on, Grattan, and Donald Kenrick. The Destiny of Europe’s Gypsies.

w York: Basic Books, 1973.

alo, Matt, ed. 100 Years of Gypsy Studies. 2d ed. Cheverly, Md.: Gypsy

Lore S

ociety, 1990.

Salo, Matt T., and Sheila Salo. “Gypsy Immigration to the United

States.” In Papers from the Sixth and Seventh Annual Meetings,

ypsy Lor

e Society, North American Chapter. Ed. J. Grumet. New

Yor

k: Gypsy Lore Society, 1986.

———. The Kalderas in Eastern Canada. Ottawa: National Museums

of Canada, 1977.

———, eds. The American Kalderas: Gypsies in the New World. Hack-

ettsto

wn, N.J.: G

ypsy Lore Society, 1981.

Sutherland, Anne. Gypsies: The Hidden Americans. London: Tavistock

ublications, 1975.

Sway

, Marlene. Familiar S

trangers: Gypsy Life in America. Chicago:

Univ

ersity of Illinois Press, 1988.

116 GYPSY IMMIGRATION

Haitian immigration

Haitian immigration to North America is a relatively new

phenomenon, the product of right-wing political oppression

and political instability since the 1950s. According to the

U.S. census of 2000 and the Canadian census of 2001, there

were 548,199 Haitian Americans and 82,405 Haitian Cana-

dians, respectively. Between 1930 and 2000, some 400,000

Haitians immigrated to the United States, with 85 percent

of them arriving after 1970. About 95 percent of Haitian

Americans in the 1990s lived in the New York metropolitan

area (see N

ORK

) or in south Florida.

There are also substantial Haitian communities in B

OSTON

ASSACHUSETTS

; Newark, New Jersey; Bridgeport, Con-

necticut; Orlando, Florida; and W

ASHINGTON

, D.C.

Haitians in Canada are overwhelmingly concentrated in

ONTREAL

, Q

UEBEC

, home to 85 percent of the total pop-

ulation. Haitians remain among the poorest of all immi-

grant groups.

Haiti’s history is unique in the Western Hemisphere.

The island of Hispaniola, of which the country of Haiti

forms the western third, was discovered by C

HRISTOPHER

OLUMBUS

in 1492. France gained control of the western

part of the island in 1697, naming it Saint-Domingue and

establishing a slave-based, plantation economy. A slave

insurrection beginning in 1791 led to the establishment of

the first black-controlled state in the Western Hemisphere in

1804. As a result, significant numbers of French colonists

immigrated to the United States, especially to New Orleans,

Louisiana, often bringing their slaves with them. Poor and

politically weak throughout its history, Haiti was occupied

by U.S. Marines (1915–34) in order to restore political and

financial stability and thus to discourage other nations from

intervening. The dictatorships of François “Papa Doc”

Duvalier (1957–71) and his son Jean-Claude “Baby Doc”

Duvalier (1971–86) led to an increasing disparity of wealth

in Haiti. Fewer than 40,000 Haitians emigrated in the

1950s and 1960s, most of them professionals, the well edu-

cated, and the upper classes.

By 1972, when poor Haitians began leaving their

country in large numbers, two push factors were clearly evi-

dent. First and most important, Haiti was the poorest

country in the Western Hemisphere. In 1994, per capita

income was still only $817, and half the population was

unemployed. Second, many Haitians were seeking personal

freedom and fleeing the repressive violence of Jean-Claude

Duvalier’s secret police. It is estimated that more than

60,000 Haitians arrived in south Florida in small sailboats

between 1971 and 1981, with thousands of others dying

in the attempt. With the Duvaliers as

COLD WAR

allies, the

United States refused to grant Haitians refugee status and

routinely deported them. Though the administration of

President Jimmy Carter granted these “boat people” spe-

cial Cuban-Haitian Entrant Status in 1980, U.S. policy

throughout the 1980s and 1990s opposed an expansion of

Haitian immigration.

In 1990, the first democratic election in Haitian his-

tory brought Jean-Bertrand Aristide to power, slowing the

pace of immigration. A 1991 military coup ousting Aristide

117

led some 35,000 Haitians to flee the country on rafts, seek-

ing asylum in the United States or at the U.S. naval base at

Guantánamo Bay, Cuba. By May 1992, 12,500 boat people

had crowded into the refugee center at Guantánamo Bay.

Arguing that most of the fleeing Haitians were simply seek-

ing economic opportunity rather than political protection,

on May 24, 1992, President George H. W. Bush issued an

executive order to intercept Haitians at sea and return them

to Haiti, where they could apply for asylum at the U.S.

embassy in Port-au-Prince. Eventually about 10,500 boat

people were granted asylum. A 1994 ruling granting polit-

ical asylum interviews at sea led to a new surge of Haitian

attempts to sail to the United States. In January 1995, the

U.S. government returned 4,000 potential Haitian immi-

grants who had been housed at Guantánamo Bay, arguing

that they were no longer at risk following the return to

power of Aristide. Another coup against the Aristide gov-

ernment in February 2004 led to concerns in the United

States that a new wave of boat people would seek sanctuary

in Florida. Though no major movements ensued, the

Haitian situation demonstrated once again the close rela-

tionship between political stability in the Caribbean and

U.S. immigration policy.

The earliest Haitians in Canada were slaves brought

from Saint-Dominigue during the 18th century, though

their numbers were extremely small, perhaps fewer than 10.

A more significant migration came during the 1950s and

1960s, as more than 200,000 Haitians left their country,

most bound for the United States and other Caribbean

countries, but a few settling in Canada. After 1970, indi-

vidual Haitians began to immigrate in larger numbers, with

significant influxes in 1976, 1980–81, and 1991. From the

mid-1980s, about two-thirds of Haitians came under family

reunification provisions and mainly settled in Q

UEBEC

. By

1992, there were about 36,000 Haitians in Canada, and 10

years later, more than twice that number. Of 52,625 immi-

grants in 2001, 17,275 arrived between 1991 and 2001.

Although Montreal was still the preferred destination for

most Haitian immigrants, an increasing number chose jobs

over culture, slightly increasing the number in Ontario. In

1991, 94.5 percent of Haitians in Canada lived in Quebec;

10 years later the figure had declined to 90 percent.

Further Reading

“Boatload of Haitians Swarms Ashore in Florida.” October 30, 2002.

CNN.com. Available online. URL: www.cnn.com/2002/US/

South/10/29/haitians.ashore/index.html. Accessed July 11,

2003.

Brasseaux, Carl A., and Glenn R. Conrad, eds. The Road to Louisiana:

The Saint Domingue Refugees, 1792–1809. Lafayette: University

of S

outhwestern Louisiana, 1992.

Buchanan-Stafford, Susan. “The Haitians: The Cultural Meaning of

Race and Ethnicity.” In New Immigrants in New Yor

k. Ed. Nancy

Foner. New York: Columbia University Press, 1987.

Chierci, R. Demele, “Making It”: Migration and Adaptation among

aitian Boat People in the United States. New York: AMS Press,

1991.

Gmelch, G. Double P

assage: The Lives of Caribbean Migrants Abroad

and Back Home. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1992.

Kasinitz, Phillip

. Caribbean New York: Black Immigrants and the Poli-

tics of Race. I

thaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1992.

Labelle, M

icheline, Serge Larose, and Victor Piché. “Emigration et

immigration: les Haitiens au Québec.” Sociologie et Sociétés 15,

. 2 (1983): 73–88.

Labelle, M

icheline, et al. Histoire d’immigrées: itinéraire d’ouvrières

colombiennes, gr

ecques, haitiennes et por

tugaises de Montréal. Mon-

treal: Boréal, 1987.

Laguerr

e, Michel. Diasporic Citizenship: Haitian Americans in Trans-

national A

merica. N

ew York: St. Martin’s Press, 1998.

Levine, Barr

y B., ed. The Caribbean Exodus. New York: Praeger, 1987.

Miller

, Jake. The Plight of Haitian Refugees. New York: Praeger, 1984.

Palmer

, R. W. Pilgrims from the Sun: West Indian Migration to Amer-

ica. New York: Twayne, 1995.

Richardson, Bonham. The Caribbean in the

ider World, 1492–1992.

New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992.

———. Caribbean Migration. Knoxville: University of Tennessee

ess, 1983.

tepnick, Alex. Haitian Refugees in the U.S. London: Minority Rights

Group, 1982.

Woldemikael, T. Becoming Black American: Haitians and American

Institutions in Evanston, Illinois. New York: AMS Pr

ess, 1989.

Hakluyt, Richard (ca. 1552–1616) geographer

Richard Hakluyt was the principal exponent of English col-

onization in the Americas, long before England acquired its

transatlantic empire. After the failure of the R

OANOKE

COLONY

(1585–87), Hakluyt’s writings helped sustain a lag-

ging interest in New World settlement that would only be

realized with the founding of Jamestown in 1607 (see V

GINIA COLONY

Born in Hertfordshire, Hakluyt attended Westminster

School and Christ Church, Oxford, where he later became a

lecturer on geography. As a boy, his imagination was fired by

a relative, a geographer sometimes known as Richard Hak-

luyt the Elder, who provided a library of rare travel literature

and directed him to the 107th Psalm, verses 23–24: “they

which go downe to the sea in ships and occupy the great

waters, they see the works of the Lord, and his wonders in

the deep.” Hakluyt eventually took Holy Orders and began

a remarkable career in geographical investigation, always

with a view toward impressing upon Queen Elizabeth the

value that American settlements might hold for England.

Although he never traveled to the New World, he did

more than anyone else to publicize the potential benefit of

a land that “bringeth fourth all things in aboundance, as in

the first creations without toil or labour.” In 1582, he pub-

lished Divers Voyages touching the Discovery of America, com-

missioned b

y S

ALTER

ALEIGH

in support of Sir

118118 HAKLUYT, RICHARD

Humphrey Gilbert’s charter, to convince Elizabeth of the

viability of an American venture. While in Paris as chaplain

to the English embassy, Hakluyt collected many

manuscripts in French, Spanish, and Portuguese relating to

discovery, which served as the basis for his Discourse con-

cer

ning W

estern Discoveries (1584). In his most enduring

work, the thr

ee-volume Principal Navigations, Voyages, and

Discov

eries of the English Nation (1598–1600), he demon-

strated the fruits of a lifelong sear

ch for materials, bringing

together a number of firsthand and widely scattered

accounts written in many languages. The Hakluyt Society

was established in London in 1846 to promote the publica-

tion of geographical writing.

Further Reading

Cawley, Robert Ralston. Unpathed Waters: Studies in the Influence of the

yagers on Elizabethan Literature. 1940. Reprint, New York:

Octagon Books, 1967.

akluyt, Richard. Principal Navigations, Voyages, and Discoveries of the

nglish N

ation. 12 vols. London: Hakluyt Society, 1903–05.

Par

ks, George B. Richard Hakluyt and the English Voyages. 2d ed. New

Yor

k: F. Ungar, 1961.

Haldimand, Frederick (1718–1791) political leader

As governor of Q

UEBEC

(1778–84), Sir Frederick

Haldimand was most responsible for the resettlement of

British Loyalists following the American Revolution

(1775–83) (see C

ANADA

—

IMMIGRATION SURVEY AND

POLICY OVERVIEW

). The decision to settle them in the

wilderness of western Canada eventually led to the separa-

tion of the colony into two provinces in 1791.

The Swiss-born Haldimand was a distinguished career

soldier who rose to the position of lieutenant-general and

was appointed governor of Quebec. He had the formidable

task of finding homes for some 10,000 Loyalists, mostly

farmers from the backcountry of the former P

ENNSYLVANIA

COLONY

and N

ORK COLONY

who had begun to con-

gregate in Montreal and Quebec after 1775. He first looked

to settle them on Cape Breton Island, though he soon deter-

mined this to be impractical since most did not have a sea-

faring background. Instead, he negotiated land purchases

from the Missisauga and other Indian tribes in 1782 and

1783. Supplemented by additional purchases as necessary,

these lands enabled Haldimand to resettle more than 6,000

Loyalists in the wilderness of western Quebec, north of the

St. Lawrence River and Lake Ontario. Free land was granted

according to military rank and social status, and food, tools,

and other supplies were provided until after the crop of

1786. Although this resettlement largely separated the

English-speaking Loyalists from the French speakers of east-

ern Quebec, it also led to considerable dissatisfaction from

settlers who longed for British laws, customs, and institu-

tions. By the Constitution Act of 1791, Quebec was sepa-

rated: The western area of settlement became the province of

Upper Canada; the eastern part, the province of Lower

Canada.

Further Reading

Craig, Gerald M. Upper Canada: The Formative Years, 1784–1841.

Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1963.

lraith, Jean N. Sir Frederick Haldimand. Toronto: Morang, 1904.

Moor

e, Christopher. The Loyalists: Revolution, Exile, Settlement.

Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1994.

Henderson v. Mayor of New York (1876)

In the wake of the Immigration Act of 1875, the U.S.

Supreme Court reversed previous decisions giving states

“police power” over newly arriving immigrants, arguing that

it infringed federal power to regulate commerce. The Court

held that the whole country should follow a “uniform sys-

tem or plan” to “govern the right to land passengers in the

United States,” whether they arrived in New York City,

Boston, New Orleans, San Francisco, or some other port of

entry.

As states began to abolish their port authorities and

commissions, the burden of screening and orienting arriving

immigrants fell on private organizations, which were soon

overwhelmed. Philanthropic bodies petitioned Congress for

funding to aid in processing the several hundred thousand

immigrants arriving annually. With a small bureaucracy in

the 1870s, the federal government subsidized operations

such as New York City’s C

ASTLE

ARDEN

, paying for it with

a head tax on immigrants beginning in 1882. The first fed-

eral reception center for immigrants was opened at E

LLIS

SLAND

in 1892.

Further Reading

Hutchinson, E. P. Legislative History of American Immigration Policy,

1798–1965. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press,

1981.

U.S. I

mmigration Commission. I

mmigration Legislation. Vol. 39.

Washington, D.C.: G

overnment Printing Office, 1911.

Hispanic and related terms

The terms Hispanic and Latino have been broadly used to

collectively designate the variety of minority groups in

North America associated through a common use of the

Spanish language. In July 2001, Hispanics became the

largest minority group in the United States (37 million, or

13 percent of the population), for the first time overtaking

African Americans (36.1 million, or 12.7 percent of the

population).

Hispanic is most commonly used in government and

political life, as in the naming of the Congr

essional H

is-

panic Caucus. Latino refers in a somewhat broader sense to

119HISPANIC AND RELATED TERMS 119

Americans of Latin American descent. Though the terms are

often used interchangeably, the older Hispanic implies associa-

tion with the European aspects of S

panish culture, while Latino

suggests a continued association with struggles for equality

and justice. The Cuban community, many long-term residents

exas, and conservatives generally prefer the term Hispanic,

while most New Yorkers, Californians, and Chicagoans prefer

Latino, particularly those who have arrived in the United States

fairly recently

. During the 1960s, the term C

HICANO

was

widely embraced throughout the southwestern United States as

a mark of pride in one’s native Mexican or mestizo roots.

When asked by a poll, survey, or census, Hispanics most

often identify themselves either as Americans or as part of the

national community from which they descended, rather than

as Hispanic or Latino.The U.S. government understood that its

categor

y of “S

panish/Hispanic/Latino,” devised for statistical

purposes could include people of any race. The Office of Man-

agement and Budget (OMB) defined Hispanic or Latino as “a

person of C

uban, M

exican, Puerto Rican, South or Central

American, or other Spanish culture or origin regardless of race.”

The terms do not have strict definitions. Filipinos, who

have a Spanish heritage, are not referred to by any of these

terms. At the same time, Brazilians, whose cultural heritage

is Portuguese, often are considered Hispanics.

Further Reading

Bonilla, Frank, et al., eds. Borderless Borders: U.S. Latinos, Latin Amer-

icans, and the Pa

radox of Interdependence. Philadelphia: Temple

Univ

ersity Press, 1998.

Camarillo, Albert M., and Frank Bonilla. “Hispanics in a Multicul-

tural Society: A New American Dilemma?” In America Becoming:

acial T

rends and Their Consequences. Eds. Neil J. Smelser,

William J

ulius Wilson, and Faith Mitchell. Washington, D.C.:

National Academy Press, 2001.

Córdova, Carlos B., and Jorge del Pinal. Hispanics-Latinos: Diverse

eople in a M

ulticultural Society. Washington, D.C.: National

Association of Hispanic Publications, 1996.

ean, F

rank D., and Marta Tienda. The Hispanic Population of the

United S

tates. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1988.

Hamilton, N

ora, and Norma Stoltz Chincilla. “Central American

Migration: A Framework for Analysis.” Latin American Research

Review 26 (1991): 75–110.

Horner, Louise L., ed. Hispanic Americans: A Statistical Sourcebook,

2003. San Diego, Calif.: Information Publications, 2003.

Lomeli, F

rancisco, ed. H

andbook of Hispanic Cultures in the United States:

Liter

ature and Art. 2 vols. Houston, Texas: Arte Público Press, 1993.

aciel, David R., and María Herrera-Sobek, eds. Culture across Bor-

ders: Mexican I

mmigration and Popular Culture. Tucson: Univer-

sity of Arizona P

ress, 1998.

Smith, Carter, III, and David Lindroth. Hispanic-American Experience

n F

ile. New York: Facts On File, 1999.

Sur

o, Roberto. Strangers among Us: How Latino Immigration Is Trans-

forming A

merica. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1998.

Holocaust See W

ORLD

AND IMMIGRATION

home children

Between the 1860s and the 1930s, about 100,000 British

children from urban slums were sent to Canada, where they

were usually apprenticed as agricultural laborers or domestic

servants until they came of age. Most of them were sent by

“homes” such as those run by Dr. T

HOMAS

ARNARDO

Christian and philanthropic institutions seeking to provide

hope to destitute children.

In the colonial period, almost all children immigrated to

British North America as part of a family group. As the gen-

eral practice of

INDENTURED SERVITUDE

came to an end in

120120 HOLOCAUST

This photograph, taken in 1940 in Taos, New Mexico, exemplifies the importance that vibrant cultural traditions, such as the dance

pictured above, continue to have for immigrant communities in the United States. (Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs

Division, LC-USZ62-96783)

the early 19th century, a small number of children were being

apprenticed to farms in Canada. This process underwent a

dramatic change in 1868 when British philanthropists Maria

Susan Rye, Annie Macpherson, and Louisa Birt initiated an

organized campaign to remove young children from urban

slums to a more healthy physical and spiritual life in Canada

or Australia. The perennial problem of poverty had grown

worse throughout the 19th century as urban industrial centers

such as London, Liverpool, and Manchester expanded with-

out providing adequate housing or effective sanitation. In the

wake of London’s last great cholera outbreak, Rye, Macpher-

son, and Birt appealed to the public for funds and negotiated

with the Canadian government for grants-in-aid and trans-

portation subsidies. Though there was considerable criticism

from both humanitarians who objected to “herding” young

children abroad like cattle and Canadian Nativists (see

NATIVISM

), who complained that home children were taking

local jobs, there was no shortage of Canadian applicants for

the apprenticed labor of young British children.

Problems associated with the apprenticing of young

children were highlighted in the sensational case of George

Everitt Green, a young agricultural apprentice who died in

1895 under the care of his spinster employer, seven months

after his arrival in Ontario. The public was shocked when

they learned that he had been starved and that his body was

covered in sores and his limbs gangrenous. Some safeguards

were installed, but the suicides of three home children in the

winter of 1923–24 led to further investigations by the

British government and a ban on all immigration by chil-

dren under 14 who were not accompanied by a parent. As

the Canadian economy worsened in the 1930s, labor groups

intensified their opposition, and by 1939, the apprentice-

ship of Britain’s poorest children was finally halted.

Further Reading

Bagnell, Kenneth. The Little Immigrants: The Orphans Who Came to

Canada. T

oronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1980.

Bean, Philip, and J

oy Melville. Lost Children of the Empire. London:

Hyman U

nwin, 1989.

Blackburn, Geoff. The Children’s Friend Society: J

uvenile Immigrants to

Western Australia, South Africa, and Canada, 1834–1842. North-

bridge, Australia: Access Press, 1993.

Rose, J

une. For the Sake of the Children: Inside Dr. Barnardo’s, 120 Years

of Caring for Children. London: Futura, 1989.

Homestead Act (United States) (1862)

The Homestead Act was the result of steady opposition of

orkers’ groups, western settlers, and agrarians to the U.S.

government’s policy of using western lands as a source of

revenue. Promising 160 acres of free land to any head of

household who would develop the land and live on it con-

tinuously for five years, the act did more than any other

piece of legislation to open the West to family farmers. The

measure also enabled immigrant groups to maintain a strong

sense of Old World identity in the New World, as they often

took up lands in remote regions of the upper Midwest and

plains territories.

U.S. land policy had originally envisioned western lands

as a means of raising revenue, and the government thus sold

land competitively, with high minimum prices and in large

blocks. This led to widespread speculation and little devel-

opment. Gradually prices were reduced, by 1841 to $1.25

per acre when first put up for sale. Westerners generally held

that the land remained without value until it was developed

and thus pressed for the federal government to pass legisla-

tion discouraging speculation and encouraging settlement.

The offer of free or inexpensive land became the necessary

enticement as the frontier pushed westward to offset the cost

of imported supplies needed on the treeless prairies before

homesteads could be established. The New York Tribune

took up the cause in the 1840s, as did the Fr

e Soil Party

after 1848. Division over land reform weakened the Demo-

cratic Party and provided an issue around which the Repub-

licans rallied after the mid-1850s. With the South having

seceded from the Union by 1861, President Abraham Lin-

coln and the Republicans were able to push through the

Homestead Act.

Many land reformers were dissatisfied, as the act was

not accompanied by legislation to explicitly halt land spec-

ulation, and much land was reserved for railway grants and

Indian reservations. Prospective farmers nevertheless flocked

to the lands thus opened. By 1890, 957,902 homestead

claims had been filed and by the 1930s, almost 3 million.

German and Scandinavian immigrants were particularly

attracted, as they often had modest amounts of capital to

establish themselves. Wisconsin, Minnesota, the Dakotas,

Kansas, and Nebraska were substantially developed by

immigrant farmers. Although only a little more than half of

homesteaders actually completed the terms of their filing

and speculation continued, the Homestead Act had an

unprecedented impact in the rapid development of the west-

ern states and territories. As the best farmlands were taken,

the government increased homestead acreage in the 20th

century to 320 and then 640 acres. The Taylor Grazing Act

(1934) effectively ended homesteading in the lower 48

states, organizing remaining government land into districts

administered by the Bureau of Land Management.

Further Reading

Ganoe, John. “The Desert Land Act in Operation, 1877–1891.” Agri

cultural History 11 (April 1937): 142–157.

Gates, P

aul Wallace. “Homesteading in the High Plains.” Agricultural

Histor

y 5 (January 1977): 109–133.

———.

Public Land Policies. New York: Arno Press, 1979.

Krall, Lisi. “U.S. Land P

olicy and the Commodification of Arid Land

(1862–1920).” Journal of Economic Issues 35 (S

eptember 2001):

657–675.

Potter, Lee Ann, and Wynell Schamel. “The Homestead Act of 1862.”

Social Education 61 (October 1997): 359–365.

121HOMESTEAD ACT 121

Schlebecker, John T. Whereby We Thrive: A History of American Farm-

ing, 1607–1972. Ames: Iowa State University Press, 1975.

Shannon, F

red A. The Farmer’s Last Frontier: Agriculture, 1860–1897.

w York: Farrar and Rinehart, 1945.

ilkinson, Charles F. Crossing the Next Meridian: Land, Water, and the

Futur

e of the West. Washington D.C.: Island Press, 1992.

Worster, D

onald. An Unsettled Country. A

lbuquerque: University of

New Mexico Press, 1994.

Honduran immigration

As the poorest country in Central America, Honduras has

become an important source country for northward migra-

tion since the 1960s. According to the U.S. census of 2000,

217,569 Americans claimed Honduran ancestry. In the

Canadian census of 2001, only 3,025 claimed Honduran

descent. Main areas of settlement in the United States

include N

RLEANS

, N

ORK

ITY

, L

NGELES

OSTON

, and H

OUSTON

. Almost all Hondurans in Canada

live in the Vancouver area.

Honduras occupies 43,100 square miles in Central

America. Guatemala lies to the west, El Salvador to the

southwest and Nicaragua to the southeast, and the

Caribbean Sea to the north. In 2002, the population was

estimated at 6,406,052. The people are ethnically divided

among mestizos (87 percent); Amerindians (5.5 percent);

and blacks and black Caribs, known as Garifuna (4.3 per-

cent); about 97 percent are Roman Catholic. The Garifuna,

who developed from the mixture of native Caribs and

escaped slaves on the island of St. Vincent, were exiled to

Honduras following a revolt against the British in 1797 and

gradually spread to other coastal territories of Central Amer-

ica. After immigration, they tended to identify more closely

with the Garifuna from other Caribbean countries than with

mestizo Hondurans.

Maya civilization flourished in Honduras in the first

millennium

. but declined long before Christopher

Columbus arrived in 1502. After three centuries of Span-

ish control, Honduras gained its independence in 1821

and withdrew from the Federation of Central America in

1838. A few Honduran exiles had come to the United

States prior to independence but formed no permanent

community. For most of the late 19th and early 20th cen-

turies, Honduran immigration was closely tied to the

monopoly of banana growing and transportation granted

by the government to the United Fruit Company and

Standard Fruit Company in the 1880s. During and after

World War II (1939–45), Hondurans were hired as mer-

chant marines, housekeepers, and other household ser-

vice providers, giving them entrance to the United States.

Many married Americans and eventually brought their

families from Honduras. General Oswaldo López Arel-

lano, president for most of the period 1963–75 by virtue

of one election and two coups, was ousted by the army in

1975 over charges of pervasive bribery by the American

United Brands Company. An elected civilian government

took power in 1982, initiating an economic moderniza-

tion program that left many poor Hondurans without

work. At the same time, growing political unrest in

Nicaragua and El Salvador led to internal instability. After

border violations by Nicaraguan troops in 1988, the

United States sent 3,200 U.S. troops to Honduras and

continued to work closely with the Honduran military

into the first decade of the 21st century. Already one of

the poorest countries in the Western Hemisphere—in the

1990s, two-thirds of Hondurans were living in poverty—

in 1998, Honduras was devastated by Hurricane Mitch,

which killed more than 9,000, destroyed 160,000 homes,

and left 2 million homeless. With few prospects for

improvement, Hondurans began to make the dangerous

journey through Guatemala and Mexico into the United

States. Several thousand continued on to Canada. In

response to Hurricane Mitch, U.S. president Bill Clinton

granted Temporary Protected Status for 105,000 Hon-

durans, enabling them to work legally in the United States

for at least 18 months. Most disappeared into the illegal

community, where they were joined by thousands of oth-

ers. Legal immigration to the United States averaged just

over 6,000 annually between 1992 and 2002. The unau-

thorized Honduran population, however, was estimated

by the Immigration and Naturalization Service to be

138,000 in 2000.

Canada’s Honduran community is small, ill defined,

and since the late 1990s, closely linked to the drug trade.

Of the 4,340 Hondurans in Canada in 2001, only about

400 came before 1981. During the 1980s, the poor began

migrating in large numbers, abandoning once-rich min-

ing districts for the promise of economic opportunity and,

frequently, government benefits. Though the 3,200-mile

journey was dangerous, hundreds took the risk each year.

A visa was not required to enter Canada, and unlike the

United States, application for asylum could be done inside

the country. While refugee cases were pending, Hondurans

were granted legal work papers and became eligible for

more than $500 per month in provincial benefits—about

three times the assistance they could receive in the United

States—and could obtain driver’s licenses, enroll their chil-

dren in school, and visit community health centers at no

charge. Beginning in the 1990s, Honduran drug dealers

dramatically expanded the small crack-cocaine market in

Vancouver, hiring hundreds of boys and young men to act

as drug runners under cover of asylum. Whereas the num-

ber of dropped refugee claims was low through the mid-

1990s—a little more than one-third—by 1999, the figure

had jumped to 65 percent, suggesting that refugee claims

were simply the means of entering the Canadian economy.

Other Hondurans worked in the underground construc-

tion industry in Toronto.

122122 HONDURAN IMMIGRATION

Further Reading

Coelho, R. “The Black Carib of Honduras: A Study in Acculturation.”

h.D. diss., Northwestern University, 1955.

Gonzalez, N. Sojourners of the Caribbean: Ethnogenesis and Ethnohis-

tor

y of the G

arifuna. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988.

amilton, Nora, and Norma Stolz Chinchilla. “Central American

Migration: A Framework for Analysis.” Latin American Research

Review 26 (1991): 75–110.

Honduras: A Country Study. 3d ed. Washington, D.C.: Government

ublishing O

ffice, 1994.

Naylor, Robert. Penny A

nte Imperialism: The Mosquito Shore and the

ay of Honduras, 1600–1914: A Study in British Informal Empire.

Rutherford, N.J.:Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1989.

Schulz, D

eborah S

undloff. The United States, Honduras and the Crisis

in Centr

al America. New York: Westview Press, 1994.

Teichroeb

, Ruth, and Larry Johnson. “Honduran Children Take a

Risky Journey to Escape Poverty and Deal Cocaine.” Seattle

st-Intelligencer. May 24, 2000. Available online. URL:

http://seattlepi. nwsource.com/honduras/page01.shtml. A

ccessed

February 23, 2004.

Houston,Texas

Long a sleepy backwater nestled on Galveston Bay, by the

turn of the 21st century Houston had grown to more than

1.9 million (more than 4 million in the metropolitan area),

making it the fourth largest city in the United States and

the second busiest port. As late as 1960, the foreign-born

population was only 3 percent, but passage of the I

MMI

GRATION AND

ATIONALITY

(1965) and geographic

proximity to Mexico, the Caribbean, and South America

led to a rapid influx of Asian and Hispanic immigrants. By

2000, there were 516,105 foreign-born immigrants (26.4

percent of the population), with the largest groups coming

from Mexico, Central America, China, and Vietnam.

Nearly half (49.5 percent) entered during the 1990s. By

2002, Anglos made up less than 40 percent of the city’s

population.

Founded in 1836, Houston had a small foreign-born

population until the Mexican Revolution of 1910. Political

turmoil in Mexico and economic opportunity in Houston

combined to lure thousands of Mexicans, who created bar-

rios that remained distinctly Mexican. The Great Depres-

sion of the 1930s led many Mexicans to leave, and

immigration remained stagnant until the mid-1960s. After

the liberalization of immigration laws in 1965,

COLD WAR

conflicts in Central America and Southeast Asia, coupled

with a remarkable run of economic prosperity during the

1970s and 1980s, led to a new era of immigrant growth in

Houston. Mexicans, Salvadorans, Guatemalans, Hon-

durans, Vietnamese, Laotians, and Cambodians quickly

found work, especially in construction and service indus-

tries. The Hispanic population more than doubled between

1980 and 1990 (212,444 to 424,903), as did the Viet-

namese population (14,000 to 33,000). With the decline of

the oil industry after 1982, it is estimated that 100,000 Ang-

los deserted the city, opening housing and business oppor-

tunities for newly arriving immigrants. During the 1990s,

Houston refashioned its economy to become less depen-

dent on petrochemicals, attracting international industry

and developing shipping and transportation networks, espe-

cially with the countries of Latin America.

Further Reading

Feagin, Joe R. Free Enterprise City: Houston in a Political and Eco-

nomic P

erspective. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University

ess, 1988.

Hagan, Jacqueline Maria. Deciding to Be Legal: A Maya Community

in H

ouston. P

hiladelphia: Temple University Press, 1994.

León, Arnoldo de. Ethnicity in the Sunbelt: A History of Mexican Amer-

icans in H

ouston. H

ouston: Mexican American Studies, Univer-

sity of Houston, 1989.

Rodrigue

z, N

estor P. “Undocumented Central Americans in Houston:

Diverse Populations.” International Migration Review 21 (1987):

4–26.

Hudson, Henry (ca. 1550–1611) explorer

The English navigator Henry Hudson was known for sailing

farther north than any European had previously as he

searched for the fabled northern passage to Asia. He also

explored the eastern coast of North America, establishing

Dutch claims in the Hudson River Valley of modern New

York State.

Little is known of Hudson’s early life. In 1607, he was

commissioned by England’s Muscovy Company to search

for a polar sea route to Asia. In the Hopewell, he and 11

men reached S

pitsbergen I

sland and perhaps Jan Mayen

Island before being driven back by ice floes. Encouraged

by reports of abundant whale and walrus populations, the

company outfitted a second voyage, in 1608, which reached

Novaya Zemlya before once again being turned back by ice.

Hudson’s legacy, however, is based on discoveries during his

third voyage, made in 1609 while he was in the pay of the

Dutch East India Company. Sailing in the Half Moon, he

led a cr

w of 20, exploring the eastern seaboard of North

America between Maine and the Delaware River. The expe-

dition also sailed up the Hudson River as far north as mod-

ern Albany, laying the foundation for the colony of New

Netherland (later N

ORK COLONY

), founded as a per-

manent settlement in 1624. On Hudson’s fourth voyage

(1610–11), sponsored by English merchants, he discov-

ered the immense, subarctic bay that today bears his name.

Trapped by ice in St. James Bay, at the southeastern end of

Hudson Bay, he and his crew endured enormous hardships

over the winter. The crew mutinied, and on June 23, 1611,

Hudson, his 12-year-old son, and seven other crewman

were cast adrift in an open boat. They were never heard

from again.

123HUDSON, HENRY 123