Powell J. Encyclopedia Of North American Immigration

Подождите немного. Документ загружается.

roots are associated with the religious work of the Evangeli-

cal Lutherans, Presbyterians, American Baptists, the Chris-

tian Missionary Alliance, the Evangelical Association, and

the Holiness Movement.

Further Reading

Brecht, Samuel K. The Genealogical Record of the Schwenkfelder Fami-

lies. P

ennsburg, Pa.: Board of Publication of the Schwenkfelder

Church, 1923.

Erb

, Peter. The S

piritual Diary of Christopher Wiegner. Waterloo,

Canada: W

ilfrid Laurier Press, 1978.

Weiser, C. Z. “Caspar Schwenckfeld and the Schwenkfelders.” Mer-

cersburg R

eview (

July 1870): 362.

Scott Act (United States) (1888)

In response to growing antagonism toward immigrants gen-

erally and Chinese immigrants specifically, Pennsylvania

representative William Scott, a Democrat, introduced legis-

lation to extend restrictions embodied in the C

HINESE

XCLUSION

(1882).

The Scott Act excluded immigration of “all persons of

the Chinese race,” excepting “Chinese officials, teachers,

students, merchants, or travelers for pleasure or curiosity.” A

Chinese laborer who had come to the United States prior to

1882 was permitted to leave and return only if he had “a

lawful wife, child, or parent in the United States, or property

therein of the value of one thousand dollars, or debts of like

amount due him and pending settlement.” Further, all Chi-

nese who qualified for entry, excepting “diplomatic or con-

sular officers and their attendants,” were required to obtain

certificates of clearance in advance from U.S. representatives

in China. The measure was passed on September 13, 1888

and approved by President Grover Cleveland on October 1,

1888.

Further Reading

Gyory, Andrew. Closing the Gate: Race, Politics, and the Chinese Exclu-

sion Act. Chapel H

ill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998.

Hutchinson, E. P

. Legislative History of American Immigration Policy,

1798–1965. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press,

1981.

LeMay, Michael C. From Open Door to Dutch Door: An Analysis of U.S.

Immigr

ation P

olicy since 1820. New York: Praeger, 1987.

Takaki, Ronald. Strangers fr

om a Different Shore. Boston: Little,

rown, 1989.

Scottish immigration

The large Scottish and Scots-Irish immigration of the 18th

century helped define the cultural patterns of the United

States and Canada. Scots and Scots-Irish Americans were the

fifth largest ethnic group in the United States in 2000, with

only German, Irish, English, and Italian Americans being

more numerous. Scots and Scots-Irish were the third most

numerous group in Canada, behind only English and

French Canadians. In the U.S. census of 2000, more than

9.2 million Americans claimed Scots or Scots-Irish descent;

while in the Canadian census of 2001, 4,157,210 Canadians

claimed Scottish ancestry. Being among the earliest settlers

to North America and coming in very large numbers from

the 18th century, by the 20th century Scots were integral to

both American and Canadian identity and were scattered

widely throughout both countries. By the time Canada took

its first post-confederation census in 1871, 26 percent of

Canadians were of Scottish descent, 24 percent Irish, and 20

percent English. By the time other immigrant groups over-

took the British in numbers immigrating to the United

States, around the turn of the 20th century, the British cul-

ture pattern had been firmly established as the American

model (see B

RITISH IMMIGRATION

RISH IMMIGRATION

In Canada, the early French enclave of Quebec became

increasingly isolated as British customs and institutions took

root throughout the remainder of Canada.

Scotland covers 30,414 square miles on the northern

third of the island of Britain. England is its neighbor to the

south. Scotland was an independent state on the island of

Britain during the medieval period but fell under English

influence from the 13th century as the two royal families

became closely entwined through marriage. In 1603, with

the death of Queen Elizabeth I, the Scottish king James IV

also became king of England, as James I. The Scottish royal

family, the Stuarts, was weakened as a result of the Glorious

Revolution of 1688, and the Act of Union of 1707 made

the kingdom of Scotland and the principality of Wales inte-

gral parts of a British empire under the United Kingdom

of Great Britain. Gradually, Scots, especially in the south-

ern lowlands, became more anglicized, and most converted

to Presbyterianism. Many Highland Scots nevertheless

retained their clan structure and Roman Catholicism and

continued to support the ousted Stuart dynasty well into

the 18th century.

Although Scots had been among the earliest immigrants

to the Americas, the first widespread Scottish immigration

to the New World came between 1717 and 1775, when

more than 100,000 Presbyterian Scots-Irish settled in Amer-

ica, mainly because of high rents or famine and most com-

ing from families who had been in Ireland for several

generations (see U

LSTER

). In the colonial period, these

Scots-Irish were usually referred to simply as Irish, making it

difficult to determine exact figures. Additionally, large num-

bers of rebellious Scots were exiled to America by the British

government. But there was also a significant voluntary

migration of Scots directly from Scotland, especially after

1730, with some 40,000 coming between 1763 and 1775

alone. Although Scots and Scots-Irish became prominent

throughout the colonies, they frequently settled along the

Appalachian frontier and largely influenced the religion and

culture of the frontier regions as they developed. Altogether

264 SCOTT ACT

this represented the largest movement of any group from the

British Isles to British North America in the 18th century.

Though the politics of the Napoleonic Wars (1803–15)

limited immigration after the American Revolution

(1775–83; see A

MERICAN

EVOLUTION AND IMMIGRA

TION

), between 1783 and 1812 about 100,000 people

immigrated from Ulster, most of them Scots-Irish. There-

after, the immigration of the Scots-Irish became closely tied

to the story of Irish immigration. The immigration of Scots

from Scotland itself was redirected to Canada after the

American Revolution. By the time of the first Canadian cen-

sus in 1871, Scots totaled 26 percent of the population,

compared to 24 percent Irish and 20 percent English. After

1850, however, Scottish immigration to the United States

picked up, and by 1870, the United States once again

became the predominant destination for Scots immigrating

to the New World. Between 1870 and 1920, about 53 per-

cent of all Scottish immigrants went to the United States.

During the difficult economic crisis in the 1920s, about

160,000 Scots immigrated to the United States, with a large

percentage from declining industries.

Agricultural consolidations in Scotland after 1870 led

to an increase of agriculturalists immigrating to Canada, and

Scots gradually began to fill the western prairies. By 1911,

people of Scots ancestry constituted between 14 and 19 per-

cent of the populations of Manitoba, Saskatchewan, Alberta,

and British Columbia. Scots continued to immigrate in sig-

nificant numbers throughout much of the 20th century,

though exact figures are difficult to determine because fig-

ures on Scots were not separated from aggregate numbers

coming from the United Kingdom.

Further Reading

Bailyn, Bernard. Voyagers to the West. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1986.

Ber

thoff, Rowland Tappan. British Immigrants in Industrial America:

1790–1950. Cambridge, Mass.: Harv

d University Press, 1953.

Bumsted, J. M. The People’s Clearance: Highland Emigration to British

Nor

th America, 1770–1815. Edinburgh, U.K.: Edinburgh Uni-

versity Press, 1982.

Dickson, R. J. Ulster I

mmigration to the United States. London: Rout-

ledge, 1966.

onaldson, Gordon. The Scots Overseas. London: R. Hale, 1966.

Erikson, Charlotte. The Invisible I

mmigrants: The Adaptation of English

and Scottish Immigrants in Nineteenth-Century America. Miami,

Fla.: University of Miami Press, 1972.

ischer

, David Hackett. Albion’s Seed: Four British Folkways in Amer-

ica. New York: Oxford University Press, 1989.

Graham, Ian C. C. Colonists from Scotland: Emigration to North Amer-

ica, 1707–1783. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1956.

Griffin, Patrick. The People with No Name: Ir

eland’s Ulster Scots, Amer-

ica’s Scots Irish, and the Creation of a British Atlantic World,

1689–1764. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2001.

Johnson, S

tanley

. A History of Emigration from the United Kingdom to

orth America, 1763–1912. London: Routledge and Sons, 1913.

Leyburn, James G. The Scotch-I

rish: A Social History. Chapel Hill: Uni-

versity of Nor

th Carolina Press, 1962.

Lines, Kenneth. British and Canadian Immigration to the United States

since 1920. San Francisco: R. and E. Research Associates, 1978.

Reid, W

Stanford. The Scottish Tradition in Canada. Toronto: McClel-

land and S

tewart, 1976.

Van Vugt, William E. Britain to America: The Mid-Nineteenth Century

Immigr

ants to the U

nited States. Champaign: Univ

ersity of Illinois

Press, 1999.

Wilson, David A. United Irishmen, United States: Immigrant Radicals

in the E

ly Republic. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press,

1998.

Selkirk, Lord See D

OUGLAS

HOMAS

Selkirk settlement See R

IVER COLONY

September 11, 2001

September 11, or 9/11, is used almost universally to identify

collectively the 2001 terrorist attacks on the Pentagon in

Washington, D.C., and the World Trade Center in New

York City. Almost 3,000 people were killed in the attacks,

including more than 300 firefighters. The 19 hijackers of

four airplanes belonged to an Islamic terror network, al-

Qaeda, headed by a wealthy Saudi, Osama bin Laden. Bin

Laden’s group was headquartered in Afghanistan, where the

fundamentalist Taliban regime provided support and pro-

tection. As a result of the international outrage aimed at bin

Laden and al-Qaeda, President George W. Bush and the

U.S. government launched a “war on terror,” which

included the overthrow of the Taliban government in

Afghanistan, close cooperation with countries around the

world in locating and prosecuting terrorists, and increased

regulation of immigration and surveillance of the activities

of immigrants in the United States.

On the morning of September 11, the hijackers com-

mandeered four commercial aircraft loaded with jet fuel and

used them as highly explosive guided missiles. The two air-

liners hijacked from Boston’s Logan International Airport

slammed into the twin towers of New York’s World Trade

Center, and in less than two hours the 110-story structures

collapsed, killing 2,749 people. Another aircraft was

hijacked at the capital’s Dulles International Airport and

flown into the outer ring of the Pentagon, killing 189 peo-

ple. A fourth aircraft hijacked at the Newark International

Airport in New Jersey was destined for the U.S. Capitol but

crashed in a Pennsylvania field when passengers fought with

the hijackers. As investigators worldwide sifted through evi-

dence and arrested conspirators, al-Qaeda was linked to a

number of earlier high-profile terrorist attacks against

SEPTEMBER 11, 2001 265

United States interests, including the murder of 18 army

Rangers in Somalia in 1993, the bombings of U.S.

embassies in Kenya and Tanzania in 1998, and the bombing

of the USS Cole in Yemen in 2000.

ithin minutes of the attacks, a national gr

ound stop

was instituted, preventing all aircraft from taking off, and all

border ports of entry were put on high alert. Within hours,

about 4,500 aircraft of all kinds were safely landed. Some

commercial flights resumed service on September 13,

though civil aviation only gradually recovered, struggling

with low passenger demand and the cost of implementing

new safety measures.

On September 20, President Bush announced creation

of the new Office of Homeland Security, which became a

U.S. department in March 2003. As a result of the Septem-

ber 11 attacks, the U.S. and Canadian governments were

forced to confront terrorism as a domestic rather than an

international issue, which led to a series of immigration and

travel reforms. In the United States the USA PATRIOT

was quickly passed and signed into law (October 26,

2001), providing for greater surveillance of aliens and

increasing the power of the attorney general to identify,

arrest, and deport aliens. The monitoring of some aliens

entering on nonimmigrant visas was instituted, new fraud-

resistant travel documents were authorized, and more exten-

sive background checks of all applications and petitions to

the I

MMIGRATION AND

ATURALIZATION

ERVICE

(INS)

were approved, the SEVIS database was created to track the

location of aliens in the country on student visas, and the

U.S. attorney general was given the right to immediately

expel anyone suspected of terrorist links. Also, the State

Department introduced a 20-day waiting period for visa

applications from men 16 to 45 years of age from

Afghanistan, Algeria, Bahrain, Djibouti, Egypt, Eritrea,

Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya,

Malaysia, Morocco, Oman, Pakistan, Qatar, Saudi Arabia,

Somalia, Sudan, Syria, Tunisia, United Arab Emirates, and

Yemen.

After many years of heated debate and the shock of the

September 11 terrorist attacks, in 2002, the Canadian par-

liament passed the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act,

which redefined the criteria by which immigrants would be

admitted, and provided the government with specific tools

for denying entry to potential terrorists or deporting them

once they were discovered. The measure provided that after

enactment on June 28, 2002, all new permanent residents

would receive Permanent Resident Cards, that existing per-

manent residents could apply for the card after October 15,

2002, and that effective January 2004, the cards would be

required for reentry of permanent residents who had trav-

eled outside Canada. The act also provided for removal of

anyone involved in “organized crime, espionage, acts of sub-

version, terrorism, war crimes, human or international

rights violations, criminality and serious criminality.” The

measure also allowed immigration officials to detain people

more easily on “reasonable suspicion” of failing to appear for

possible deportation proceedings, of posing a risk to the

public, or of refusing information to the immigration ser-

vice.

Perhaps the most profound result to immigration in the

United States, at least in the short term, was the dissolution

of the INS. After extensive investigations of INS procedures

and the embarrassing revelation that two of the September

11 hijackers actually received visa renewals after the terror-

ist attacks, the INS was dissolved and its duties divided

among the U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP), the

U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), and

the bureau of the U.S. C

ITIZENSHIP AND

MMIGRATION

ERVICES

(USCIS), all under the D

EPARTMENT OF

OME

LAND

ECURITY

Ironically, policy trends in immigration already evident

prior to September 11, 2001, seem not to have been radi-

cally altered. The growing nativist tendency that found

expression in P

ROPOSITION

187 and the recall of Califor-

nia governor Gray Davis remains. President Bush’s desire to

partner with Mexican president Vicente Fox in finding a

workable solution to the illegal immigration problem was

temporarily put on hold but was surprisingly revived in Jan-

uary 2004 with Bush’s proposal of a new and controversial

Temporary Worker Program (see M

EXICAN IMMIGRATION

And Canadian and U.S. policy differences regarding immi-

gration remain unresolved. Despite the December 12, 2001,

signing of the U.S.-Canadian “Smart Border” Declaration

designed to enhance border security, in 2004, Canadians

were still complaining about U.S. profiling tactics, and

Americans still regarded Canada as a potential haven for ter-

rorists.

Further Reading

CBS News. What We Saw: The Events of September 11, 2001—In

Wor

ds, Pictures, and Video. New York: Simon and Schuster, 2002.

Chang, Nancy

, and Howard Zinn. Silencing Political Dissent: How

Post–S

eptember 11 Anti Terrorist Measures Threaten Our Civil Lib-

erties. New York: S

en Stories Press, 2002.

DeFede, Jim. The Day the World Came to Town: 9/11 in Gander, N

ew-

foundland. New York: Regan Books, 2002.

Longman, Jer

e. Among the Heroes: United Flight 93 and the Passengers

and C

rew Who Fought Back. New York: HarperCollins, 2002.

Serbian immigration

Serbs represented the largest ethnic group within the for-

mer country of Yugoslavia, and as the dominant regional

group, they were less likely to migrate than Croatians (see

ROATIAN IMMIGRATION

) or Slovenes (see S

LOVENIAN

IMMIGRATION

). According to the U.S. census of 2000 and

266 SERBIAN IMMIGRATION

the Canadian census of 2001, 140,337 Americans and

55,540 Canadians claimed Serbian descent. These figures

were low, as a large percentage of those who claimed

Yugoslav ancestry (328,547 Americans and 65,505 Canadi-

ans) were undoubtedly of Serbian origin. Estimates by vari-

ous ethnic organizations place the number of Serbian

Americans at more than 350,000 and Serbian Canadians at

more than 150,000. Major centers of Serb settlement in the

United States included Chicago, Illinois; Pittsburgh, Penn-

sylvania; Milwaukee, Wisconsin; and San Francisco and Los

Angeles in California. The largest Serbian concentrations in

Canada were in Ontario.

Serbia is a republic within the federation of Serbia and

Montenegro, which includes the two nominally

autonomous regions of Kosovo and Vojvodina. It is the suc-

cessor to the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, formed in the

wake of the dissolution of the state of Yugoslavia in 1991

and the breaking away of Slovenia, Macedonia, Croatia, and

Bosnia and Herzegovina. Serbia and Montenegro occupies

39,400 square miles or about 40 percent of the former

Yugoslavia. Serbia and Montenegro is located on the Balkan

Peninsula in southeastern Europe and is bordered by Bosnia

and Herzegovina and Croatia on the west; Hungary and

Romania on the north; Bulgaria on the east; and Albania

and Macedonia on the south.

Serbs were the dominant South Slavic ethnic group in

the Balkan Peninsula and one of the earliest to develop a

strong sense of national identity. Under the Ottoman

Empire since the early 15th century, the Serbs gradually

gained greater measures of independence during the 19th

century, moving from province to tributary principality

(1817) to autonomous principality (1830) to full indepen-

dence (1878). During the Balkan Wars (1912–13), Serbia

expanded its borders to a state approximating the size of

modern-day Serbia and Montenegro. Serbia further

expanded at the expense of the defeated Austrian and

Ottoman Empires in 1919, forming the core of the King-

dom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, which was renamed

Yugoslavia in 1929. Throughout its brief existence,

Yugoslavia wrestled with the attempt by Serbs to turn the

nation into a Greater Serbia. Thus, in 1991, the dissolution

of Yugoslavia proceeded along ethnic lines, with Slovenia,

Croatia, Bosnia, and Macedonia declaring their indepen-

dence. This left two states—Serbia and Montenegro—as the

new Yugoslavia. Montenegro was about 90 percent Serbian

and Serbia proper about 96 percent Serbian; both provinces,

however, had significant minority populations. In Kosovo,

Serbs only accounted for 13 percent of the population, with

83 percent being Albanians. In Vojvodina, there was a 22

percent minority Magyar (Hungarian) population, with

Serbs making up about 70 percent. Serb aggression led to an

ethnic cleansing campaign in Kosovo in 1998 and the even-

tual dislocation of hundreds of thousands of ethnic Albani-

ans (see A

LBANIAN IMMIGRATION

A relatively small number of Serbs immigrated to North

America prior to World War II (1939–45). Exact numbers

are impossible to determine, as prior to World War I

(1914–18), Serbs entering the United States were catego-

rized variously as “Bulgars, Serbs, and Montenegrins,”

“Croats and Slovenes,” “Austrians and Hungarians,” or

“Dalmations, Bosnians, and Hercegovinians.” They were

similarly categorized in Canada, and after 1921, all ethnic

groups—including Serbs—were labeled “Yugoslav.” The

first substantial number of Serbs began to immigrate in the

late 19th century, either settling in midwestern industrial

cities or in California, which had a climate similar to Croa-

tia’s Dalmatian coast. By 1900, some of these western settlers

had migrated to take mining and railway jobs in British

Columbia, Alberta, and Saskatchewan. Between 1920 and

1950, fewer than 60,000 Yugoslav citizens of all nationalities

immigrated to the United States, more than 80 percent of

them before the mid-1920s when restrictive legislation all

but halted immigration by Slavs. During World War II,

Croatia established its own state allied to Nazi Germany, but

it was brought back into Yugoslavia by the authoritarian rule

of the Communist leader Josip Broz, Marshal Tito

SERBIAN IMMIGRATION 267

Serbian refugees are shown at a Red Cross station, April 30,

1919.The disruption of the Balkan Wars (1912–13) and World

War I (1914–18) heightened ethnic animosities in the Balkans.

(National Archives #99-181B[3])

(1945–80), contributing to an already large refugee popula-

tion in the region. Under the D

ISPLACED

ERSONS

1948 and the R

EFUGEE

ELIEF

of 1953, it is estimated

that more than 50,000 Yugoslavs were admitted to the

United States, though many of these would have been non-

Serbs seeking to escape both communism and what was per-

ceived as the pro-Serbian dominance of Tito. Between 1991

and 2002, almost 120,000 immigrants of all ethnic groups

from the former Yugoslavia came to the United States, most

fleeing the ethnic conflicts in Bosnia and Serbia. Of

Canada’s 145,380 immigrants from Yugoslavia in 2001,

about 46 percent came after 1990, the majority from Serbia

and Bosnia.

Further Reading

Colakovi´c, Branko M.

The South Slavic Immigration in America.

Boston: Twayne, 1978.

———. Yugoslav Migrations to America. San Francisco: R. and E.

Research Associates, 1973.

ako

vich, R. P., and M. M. Radovich. Serbs in the United States and

Canada: A Compr

ehensive Bibliography. St. Paul: Immigration

History R

esearch Center, University of Minnesota, 1992.

Goverchin, G. G. Americans from Yugoslavia. Gainesville: University of

lorida P

ress, 1961.

Judah, Tim. The Serbs: History, Myth and the Destruction of Yugoslavia.

New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1998.

Kisslinger

, J. The Serbian Americans. New York: Chelsea House, 1990.

Lampe, John.

Yugoslavia as History: Twice There Was a Country. 2d ed.

Cambridge: Cambridge Univ

ersity Press, 2000.

Pavlovich, Paul. The Serbians: The Story of a People. Toronto: Serbian

eritage Books, 1988.

Seven Years’ War

The Seven Years’ War (1756–63) was the culmination of a

century of European warfare that centered on the growing

conflict between Prussia and Austria in Europe but also

involved an escalating contest between Britain and France

for imperial control beyond Europe. In North America, the

war resulted in complete British victory, with France ceding

CADIA

, Canada, and L

OUISIANA

east of the Mississippi

River, and ensuring that the dominant culture pattern

would be English.

Britain and France warred over control of N

RANCE

in the War of the League of Augsburg (1689–97), the War of

the Spanish Succession (1702–14), and the War of the Aus-

trian Succession (1740–48), though the only permanent ter-

ritorial change was British occupation of lightly populated

EWFOUNDLAND

, Hudson Bay, and N

OVA

COTIA

in 1713.

British colonial expansion and control of the lucrative fur

trade kept tensions high, however, and finally erupted into the

French and Indian War (1754–63), which then expanded

into the international Seven Years’ War. At mid-century,

Britain controlled the Atlantic seaboard from the Gulf of St.

Lawrence to Florida, while France occupied the St. Lawrence

Seaway and Mississippi River Valley. In between lay the Ohio

River Valley, still largely in the hands of the Iroquois Confed-

eracy, which controlled the fur trade. As Iroquois power

declined, both the British and the French sought to expand

into the region, each seeking Native American allies. When

France built a string of forts from Lake Erie to the confluence

of the Allegheny and Monongahela Rivers in 1753, Virginia

governor Robert Dinwiddie sent a small force under Lieu-

tenant Colonel George Washington to order them out of the

region. A French force returned the following year, driving

Washington from Fort Necessity and establishing Fort

Duquesne at the site of present-day Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania.

Britain suffered almost continual losses until 1757,

when William Pitt became prime minister. He reorganized

the war effort, promoting younger officers and convincing

Parliament to make a major commitment of funds. In the

next three years, Britain captured all the French strongholds,

including Louisbourg (1758), Fort Duquesne (1758), Que-

bec (1759), and Montreal (1760). With the capitulation at

Montreal, thousands of French colonists returned to France,

and some 4,000 Acadians relocated to Louisiana, which

briefly remained in French hands. In the Treaty of Paris for-

mally ending the Seven Years’ War in 1763, France ceded

Acadia, Canada, and Louisiana east of the Mississippi River

to Britain; the western Mississippi valley and N

RLEANS

were handed over to Spain. France’s once vast North Ameri-

can empire was thus reduced to two small islands, Saint-

Pierre and Miquelon, south of Newfoundland.

As a result of the Seven Years’ War, 80,000 French

speakers were added to British Canada, and new French

immigration became negligible. The conflict in Europe and

a ban in the Holy Roman Empire (1768) halted most Ger-

man immigration to America until the early 19th century.

Perhaps most important, Britain’s victory provided a signif-

icant shared experience for many British colonists of diverse

ethnic backgrounds, important in the development of a dis-

tinct American identity.

Further Reading

Anderson, Fred. The Crucible of War: The Seven Years’ War and the

Fate of Empire in B

ritish North America, 1754–1766. New York:

Alfr

ed A. Knopf, 2000.

Corbett, Julian S. England in the Seven Years’ War. 2 vols. London:

Greenhill Books, 1992.

Leckie, R

ober

t. A Few Acres of Snow: The Saga of the French and Indian

Wars. N

ew York: Wiley, 1999.

Marrin, Albert. Struggle for a Continent: The French and Indian Wars,

1690–1760. N

ew York: Atheneum P

ress, 1987.

Peckham, Howard H. The Colonial Wars, 1689–1762. Chicago: Uni-

versity of Chicago Pr

ess, 1964.

Pocock, Tom. Battle for Empire: The V

y First World War, 1756–1763.

London: Michael O’Mara Books, 1998.

268 SEVEN YEARS’ WAR

Sifton, Clifford (1861–1929) politician

As minister of the interior and superintendent general of

Indian affairs (1896–1905), Clifford Sifton planned and

presided over the most successful public campaign to attract

settlers in Canadian history. As a result of his efforts, more

than 2 million immigrants arrived in Canada between 1896

and 1911, transforming largely uninhabited western prairies

into productive farmland.

As a teenager, Sifton moved with his family to Selkirk,

Manitoba, eventually opening a law practice with his

brother in Brandon, Manitoba. He was first elected to the

provincial parliament as a Liberal for Brandon North in

1888, before becoming attorney general of Manitoba

(1891–95). His skillful management of disagreements over

the teaching of religion in schools impressed Prime Minis-

ter Wilfrid Laurier, who appointed Sifton minister of the

interior in 1896. Long opposed to the monopolistic rights

of the Canadian Pacific Railway, Sifton instituted a policy

requiring land speculators and railway companies to either

colonize their lands or forfeit them. Having already lost

thousands of potential settlers to the United States, Sifton

also cut through the extensive bureaucratic delays in apply-

ing for homesteads, eliminating the Dominions Land

Board and simplifying regulations. Finally, he hired Euro-

pean and American agents, offering bonuses of $5 for every

certified agriculturalist they recruited over the age of 12.

His policies led to an eightfold increase in annual entries,

from 17,000 when he took office to 146,000 in 1905 when

he resigned. As eager as Sifton was to encourage the settle-

ment of farmers, he was eager to keep out almost every

other type of immigrant, especially the mechanics and

laborers who tended to flock to the cities of the United

States.

Determined to bring those who would actively cultivate

the soil, Sifton was not disposed to “exclude foreigners of

any nationality, who seemed likely to become successful

agriculturalists.” British immigrants continued to make up

the largest group, however, averaging around 40 percent of

total immigration. He also had great success in the United

States, where land agents successfully persuaded almost 1

million settlers to come north. About one-third were newly

arrived Germans, Scandinavians, Icelanders, and Hungari-

ans, who brought considerable capital and expertise to their

work. The third area of success, and one that transformed

the ethnic composition of the prairies, was central and east-

ern Europe. Though Germans and Scandinavians were the

most highly prized, they usually chose to immigrate to the

United States. As a result, Sifton encouraged the settlement

of Ukrainians (see U

KRAINIAN IMMIGRATION

), Poles (see

OLISH IMMIGRATION

), Doukhobors, and other oppressed

minorities from Austria-Hungary, Russia, and Romania,

who began to flock to the free land offered on the Canadian

prairies. The policy was controversial, as most Canadians

considered these immigrants degraded and barbarous. Sifton

nevertheless recognized the superior value of their hard work

and peaceable living, which dramatically assisted Canada in

opening its western agricultural lands.

After Sifton’s resignation over school policy for Alberta

and Saskatchewan in 1905, he remained prominent in pub-

lic life. He joined the Conservative Party in 1911 in sup-

port of economic protectionism and served as chairman of

the Canadian Commission of Conservation (1909–18). He

was knighted by King George V in 1915.

Further Reading

Brown, Robert Craig, and Ramsay Cook. Canada 1896–1921: A

Nation T

ransformed. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1974.

Dafoe, J.

W. Clifford Sifton in Relation to His Times. Toronto: Macmil-

lan of Canada, 1931.

all, D

avid J. Clifford Sifton. 2 vols. Vancouver: University of British

Columbia Pr

ess, 1981, 1985.

SIFTON, CLIFFORD 269

Appointed Canadian minister of the interior in 1896, Clifford

Sifton believed in an almost unlimited potential for western

development. “Our desire,” he wrote to Prime Minister

Wilfrid Laurier in 1901, “is to promote the immigration of

farmers and farm labourers.”

(Library of Congress, Prints &

Photographs Division [LC-USZ62-109818])

Simcoe, John Graves (1752–1806) government

official

John Graves Simcoe was the first lieutenant governor of

Upper Canada (1792–96) and was responsible for crafting

a policy that encouraged extensive immigration into the

newly formed province. Believing in the superiority of

English culture, he determined to build a model British

colony, weaned from French law and influence and attrac-

tive to Americans dissatisfied with the newly formed

republic.

As commander of Loyalists of the New York and Con-

necticut campaigns during the American Revolution

(1775–83), Simcoe developed an admiration for these men.

Intrepid and ambitious, Simcoe devised a plan that estab-

lished a strong British military presence on the frontier with

the United States and encouraged migration to Upper

Canada. In addition to building roads and settlements, Sim-

coe issued a proclamation (February 7, 1792), offering land

grants of 200–1,000 acres, subject only to minor fees, a

commitment to improve the land, and an oath of loyalty to

the British Crown. Although several thousand settlers took

advantage of the land grants, the offer did little to attract set-

tlers from Britain. The majority of settlers came from New

York and Pennsylvania, prominently including members of

pacifist groups such as the Quakers, Mennonites (see M

NONITE IMMIGRATION

), and Dunkers, enticed by the

promise of exemption from military service. Most settle-

ment soon fell into the hands of aristocrats, most notably

Colonel Thomas Talbot and T

HOMAS

OUGLAS

, Lord

Selkirk, who were seen as the foundation of a new model

England.

Further Reading

Craig, Gerald M. Upper Canada: The Formative Years, 1784–1841.

oronto: McClelland and Ste

wart, 1963.

Cruikshank, E. A., ed. The Correspondence of Lieut. Governor John

aves Simcoe, with Allied Documents Relating to His Administra-

tion of the Government of Upper Canada. 5 vols. Toronto: The

ociety

, 1923–31.

Riddell, W. R. The Life of John Graves Simcoe, First Lieutenant-Gover-

nor of the P

ovince of Upper Canada, 1792–96. Toronto: McClel-

land and Ste

wart, 1926.

Singh v. Minister of Employment and

Immigration

(1985)

On April 4, 1985, in Singh v. Minister of Emplo

yment and

Immigration, the Supreme Court of Canada ruled that oral

hearings we

re required in every case determining refugee sta-

tus, leading to a radical restructuring of the immigration

process. The case grew out of the enormous backlog of cases

resulting from a cumbersome, multitiered refugee determi-

nation process that by the early 1980s had become a tool

enabling nonqualifying immigrants to remain in Canada

during the lengthy appeal process. For those who wanted the

Canadian government to deal firmly with potentially fraud-

ulent claims, the decision was an important step in estab-

lishing a policy of early determination of a refugee claimant’s

status. For those concerned with civil rights, it was a victory

for due process.

The broad issue was one of procedural fairness toward

refugee applicants. The 1978 Immigration Act had clearly

established that the definition of a refugee under Canadian

law was the same as that established by the United Nations

Convention in 1951, as amended in a 1967 protocol:

any person who, by reason of a well-founded fear of per-

secution for reasons of race, religion, nationality, mem-

bership in a particular social group or political opinion,

a) is outside the country of his nationality and unable or,

by reason of such fear, unwilling to avail himself of the

protection of that country, or; b) not having a country

of nationality, is outside the country of his former habit-

ual residence and is unable or, by reason of such fear,

unwilling to return to that country.

The difficulty lay in separating the genuine refugee

from others who used the claim as a tool to enter the coun-

try and reside indefinitely, as an enormous backlog of cases

made quick resolution of cases impossible. By the provisions

of the Immigration Act, a multistage appeal process was

instituted that provided for an examination before an immi-

grant officer, with right of counsel and the opportunity to

correct the transcript, which was then forwarded to the

Refugee Status Advisory Committee (RSAC), which

reviewed the case and sent its recommendations to the min-

ister of Employment and Immigration. If the minister

denied the claim, the refugee claimant had right of appeal to

the Immigrant Appeal Board (IAB). If even one of the three

members of the board believed that the claim had a chance

to be successful, a hearing was scheduled. But if the appeal

was denied, it could then be appealed to the Federal Court

of Canada. By 1981, there was a backlog of 1,500 cases; by

the end of 1983 the number of cases reached 9,000. As the

government sought advice about possible reforms, the back-

log continued to grow, to 15,000 by 1984, and in the mean-

time the government was providing jobs and welfare benefits

to those awaiting judgment.

In the midst of this crisis came the matter of six Asian

Indians and one Guyanese who claimed UN Convention

refugee status on the basis of their political activities. Four of

the Indians were denied admission at the border; one evaded

inquiry upon entry in 1971; one arrived as a temporary “vis-

itor” in 1980; and the Guyanese came on a false passport in

1979, was later granted temporary status, then arrested in

1981 for working illegally. All had been denied refugee sta-

tus by the minister and denied applications for redetermi-

nation by the Immigration Appeal Board. The Federal

270 SIMCOE, JOHN GRAVES

Court of Appeal refused applications for judicial review. The

Supreme Court then heard the appeal from the refusals.

Invoking the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms

(1982), which provided legal equality for those facing dis-

crimination “based on race, national or ethnic origin,

colour, religion, sex, age or mental or physical disability,” the

court ruled that claimants could not be denied the right to

an oral hearing in the final determination of refugee claims.

According to the ruling, the charter’s language guaranteeing

protection for “everyone” included all who were “physically

present” in Canada.

As a result of the decision, four previous studies recom-

mending oral hearings at an early stage of the hearing pro-

cess were affirmed. A temporary Bill C-55 was passed in

1985, increasing the number of refugee claims adjudicators,

but the measure proved unable to meet the three-year back-

log of cases. The second B

ILL

C-55 (Refugee Reform Bill,

introduced 1987) restructured the process for determining

refugee status, replacing the IAB with the Immigration and

Refugee Board (IRB) and two divisions, the Immigration

Appeals Division (IAD) and the Convention Refugee Deter-

mination Division (CRDD). It also provided for a two-stage

hearing process. In the first stage, which sought to elimi-

nate patently unfounded claims, a preliminary joint inquiry

by an independent adjudicator and a CRDD member

would first determine a claimant’s admissibility. The second

stage of the process involved a full hearing before two mem-

bers of the CRDD.

Further Reading

Campbell, Charles M. Betrayal and Deceit: The Politics of Canadian

Immigration. West Vancouver

, Canada: J

asmine Books, 2000.

Creese, Gillian. “The Politics of Refugees in Canada.” In Deconstruct-

ing a Nation. Ed.

Vic Satzewich. Halifax, Canada: Fernwood,

1992.

lenn, H. Patrick. Refugee Claims, the Canadian State and North

merican R

egionalism in Hemispheric Integration, Migration and

Human Rights. Toronto: York University Centre for Refugee

Studies, 1994.

elley

, Ninette, and Michael Trebilcock. The Making of the Mosaic: A

Histor

y of Canadian Immigration Policy. Toronto: University of

Toronto Pr

ess, 1998.

Plaut, W. G. Refugee Determination in Canada. Ottawa: Minister of

upply and S

ervices, 1985.

slave trade See A

FRICAN FORCED MIGRATION

slavery

Slavery is the condition of a person being owned by some-

one else, forced to work, and without personal freedoms. It

was practiced by many civilizations around the world from

ancient times and usually seen as a condition into which

anyone might fall as a result of war, debt, or crimes. The

conditions of slavery varied widely, from the greatest cru-

elty to almost familial regard. Typically slaves were not

allowed to marry or own property. In many cultures, it was

not uncommon for slaves to be manumitted (granted free-

dom) as a reward for loyal service. This practice was rein-

forced from the seventh century onward by the teachings of

Islam, which favored manumission. In the Roman Empire,

as much as one-third of the population was at one time

enslaved. With Rome’s decline in the fifth century, the eco-

nomic circumstances favoring slavery in Europe were

removed, and it was little employed throughout the Middle

Ages, except in southern Spain, Portugal, and Italy where

warfare with the Muslim Moors provided a constant flow of

war captives. Extensive slave labor systems flourished in the

Byzantine Empire of modern Turkey and the Balkan Penin-

sula and in the Islamic world of northern and eastern Africa

and the Middle East.

With the rise of European economic and military dom-

inance between the 15th and 18th centuries, the character of

slavery changed. During the medieval era (ca. 500–1500),

the number of slaves sold out of Africa had remained stable

at a few thousand a year, with most being carried by cara-

van to the Middle East. By the 17th century, the number of

slaves from Africa had jumped to tens of thousands annually,

with most being carried on ships across the Atlantic Ocean

to the Americas (see A

FRICAN FORCED MIGRATION

). Dur-

ing the 18th century, the Atlantic slave trade peaked, in

some years reaching more than 100,000. Also, for the first

time, slavery became closely associated with race. Histori-

cally, in most slave-holding societies, slaves and slave own-

ers were of the same race. In the 15th and 16th centuries,

Spain and Portugal extended their rule over American,

African, and Asian territories populated by different races

of people. With rich mines and tropical territories well

suited to the cultivation of labor-intensive cash crops such as

sugarcane, cotton, and coffee, Iberian Europeans naturally

looked for labor locally. Native Americans were at first

enslaved, though later officially protected by being brought

under a feudal system of forced labor and taxation

(encomienda) that left them with few personal freedoms. As

settled nativ

e peoples w

ere exterminated by hard labor and

disease, Spain and Portugal increasingly turned to Africa,

where the Portuguese had established a permanent presence

along the east coast from the 1480s. In 1516, Spanish king

Charles I (Holy Roman Emperor Charles V) granted an

asiento to bring 4,000 African slaves annually into New

Spain, a number that steadily increased so that by the end

of the 19th centur

, more than 5 million slaves had been

brought from Africa to Spanish and Portuguese New World

colonies.

By the 17th century Holland, Britain, and France were

challenging the colonial supremacy of Spain and Portugal

and developing similar slave plantation economies through-

out the Caribbean Basin. By the early 19th century, more

SLAVERY 271

than 3 million slaves were brought into British, French, and

Dutch colonies in the New World. In the early days of

British and French settlement in North America, most labor

was performed by indentured servants (see

INDENTURED

SERVITUDE

), but with passage of the N

AVIGATION

CTS

falling tobacco prices, and the difficulty of securing labor,

the demand for new sources of labor grew. In 1662, the

British government sought to meet the demand by granting

a monopoly of the slave trade in its territories to the R

OYAL

FRICAN

OMPANY

. In the same decade, slave codes based

on old Roman models began to be enacted throughout the

southern colonies, legally establishing the condition of slav-

ery. The status of children followed that of mothers rather

than fathers; slaves were increasingly forbidden to own

firearms or other property, to travel freely, or to testify

against white defendants; and the manumission of slaves was

made more difficult. Thousands of Native Americans were

enslaved, particularly in the wake of the devastating Car-

olina tribal wars between about 1680 and 1720. Given the

Native American propensity for violence and escape, by

1715, New England colonies were already banning Ameri-

can Indian slavery, and continued warfare and disease soon

ended attempts to systematically enslave them.

The legal and social conventions of slavery gradually

developed into a doctrine of ethnocentric

RACISM

in which

dark-skinned Africans—who were pagans and viewed as sex-

ually licentious—were considered innately inferior to Euro-

peans. The number of slaves in British North America grew

dramatically in the 18th century. By 1770, slaves accounted

for 40 percent of the population in Maryland, Virginia, and

South Carolina. At the same time, slaves composed only

about 5 percent of the population of the northern colonies

and even less in Canada, where small farms predominated

and economic conditions did not favor slavery. Altogether

more than 600,000 Africans were brought as slaves to the

United States. Through natural increase, by the mid-19th

century their numbers had increased to almost 4 million.

The conditions under which slaves labored in North

America varied greatly. Most worked as agricultural field

hands, from sunrise to sunset and especially hard during

the harvest. After harvest and before planting, animals had

to be cared for and the numerous repairs of a farm or plan-

tation attended to. Many also worked as domestic servants

and in factories. A few became slave drivers, craftsmen, or

skilled carpenters or blacksmiths. The attitude of slave

owner toward slave varied as well. Many owners were brutal,

inflicting severe beatings or mutilations for small infractions,

sometimes forcing female slaves to engage in sexual acts.

Others abjured violence except as a last resort and treated

slaves almost as family members. Slave marriages were not

legally recognized, but monogamy was encouraged. This did

not stop slave holders from breaking up families when chil-

dren reached young adulthood or when a high price might

be commanded for a slave. The standard of living for most

slaves was somewhat above the subsistence level, in large

measure because they represented a valuable economic asset.

Food tended to be adequate in quantity and generally

healthy, though plain. Slave houses were drafty, without

much furniture and usually without floors. In every case,

however, slaves were at the mercy of their owners, who col-

lectively created a social environment that made resistance

virtually impossible. Slaves were not allowed to leave plan-

tations without permission, education was prohibited, and

manumission was discouraged. The relatively small number

of slave revolts in the United States reflects the isolation of

slaves and the complete lack of means for successful revolt.

The most famous insurrection, the Nat Turner rebellion of

1831, involved a band of 75 slaves who killed more than 50

whites and unsuccessfully attempted to reach a local armory

in Virginia. Within two days, the rebellion was quelled, and

eventually all the rebels were killed or captured, and Turner

himself was executed. For the most part, resistance to slavery

was more subtle, involving deliberate slowing of work, the

breaking of tools, and encouragement of the idea that slaves

were naturally childlike and prone to laziness.

Until the middle of the 18th century, the morality of

slavery had seldom been questioned anywhere in the world.

With the enhanced emphasis on natural rights and political

liberty that were characteristic of the Enlightenment and the

humanitarian and religious activism associated with the

Great Awakening, a strong antislavery movement developed

in Britain, France, and America. These intellectual move-

ments coincided with the beginnings of the industrial revo-

lution, which shifted economic predominance from the land

to the factory and other economic enterprises that did not

benefit from slavery. The slave trade was abolished in Britain

in 1807, in the United States in 1808, and in France in

1819. Slavery itself was banned throughout the British

Empire, including the Canadian colonies, in 1833 when the

government agreed to compensate slaveholders for their eco-

nomic losses. In the United States, where slavery was more

prevalent and had become more deeply entrenched with

the rising importance of short-staple cotton from the 1790s,

the abolitionist reform movement became more radical and

found a commanding voice in William Lloyd Garrison, who

founded the Liberator journal and encouraged free African

Americans such as F

ederick Douglass to speak at antislavery

meetings. Garrison’s call for immediate and unconditional

abolition of slavery polarized attitudes. Although most

Americans were not convinced that slavery was morally

wrong, many were troubled, and Garrison and other aboli-

tionists did succeed in bringing the fate of nearly 4 million

Americans of African descent to the national stage. The

United States split into two political camps over slavery and

eventually fought the Civil War to determine whether indi-

vidual states or the federal government had the authority to

regulate slavery. In 1863, President Abraham Lincoln freed

all slaves under Confederate (southern) control, and in

272 SLAVERY

1865, slavery was abolished with the ratification of the Thir-

teenth Amendment to the Constitution. African Americans

were freed from slavery in 1865 but were systematically dis-

criminated against until the Civil Rights movement of the

1950s and 1960s.

Further Reading

Anbinder, Tyler. Nativism and Slavery: The Northern Know-Nothings

and the Politics of the 1850s. N

ew York: Oxford University Press,

1992.

erlin, I

ra. Many Thousands Gone: The First Two Centuries of Slavery in

Nor

th America. Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press, 1998.

Blassingame, J

ohn W. The Slave Community: Plantation Life in the

Antebellum South. N

ew York: Oxford University Press, 1972.

Boskins, Joseph.

Into Slavery: Racial Decisions in the Virginia Colony.

Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1976.

avis, D

avid Brion. The Problem of Slavery in the Age of Revolution,

1770–1823. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1975.

ltis, D

avid. The Rise of African Slavery in the Americas. New York:

Cambridge Univ

ersity Press, 2000.

Foner, Eric. Nothing but Freedom: Emancipation and Its Legacy. Baton

Rouge: Louisiana S

tate U

niversity Press, 1983.

Harding, Vincent. There Is a River: The Black Struggle for Freedom in

merica. S

an Diego, Calif.: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1981.

Higginbotham, A. Leon, Jr. In the Matter of Color: Race and the Amer-

ican Legal P

rocess, the Colonial Period. New York: Oxford Uni-

versity P

ress, 1978.

Jordan, Winthrop D. White over Black: American Attitudes toward the

egr

o, 1550–1812. New York: W. W. Norton, 1968.

Lov

ejoy, Paul E. Transformations in Slavery: A History of Slavery in

Africa. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983.

organ, E

dmund. American Slavery, American Freedom: The Ordeal of

Colonial Virginia. New Y

ork: W. W. Norton, 1975.

Nash, G

ary B. Red, White and Black: The Peoples of Early America.

nglewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1982.

Patterson, O

rlando. Slavery and Social Death: A Comparative Study.

Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1982.

Schwar

tz, P

hilip J. Twice Condemned: Slaves and the Criminal Laws of

Virginia, 1705–1865. B

aton Rouge: Louisiana State University

ess, 1988.

Shaw, Robert B. A Legal History of Slavery in the United States. Pots-

dam, N.Y

.: N

orthern Press, 1991.

Stampp, Kenneth W. The Peculiar Institution: Slavery in the Antebel-

lum South. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1956.

Slovakian immigration

Emerging from the nationalist democratic movements of the

late 1980s and early 1990s, Slovakia is one of the newest

countries in the world. According to the U.S. census of 2000

and the Canadian census of 2001, 797,764 Americans and

50,860 Canadians claimed Slovak ancestry. These figures

underrepresent the actual numbers, as 440,000 Americans

and 33,540 Canadians claimed Czechoslovakian ancestry,

and these would undoubtedly include many of Slovak

descent. Slovaks spread widely throughout the industrial

North and upper Midwest in the United States, with par-

ticular concentrations in Pennsylvania and Ohio. About 60

percent of Slovakian Canadians live in Ontario.

Slovakia occupies 18,800 square miles in east-central

Europe. It is bordered by Poland on the north, Hungary on

the south; Austria and the Czech Republic on the west, and

Ukraine on the east. In 2002, the population was estimated

at 5,414,937. The people were about 86 percent Slovak,

10.5 percent Hungarian, and 1.7 percent Gypsy. About 60

percent of the population is Roman Catholic, and 8 percent,

Protestant; there is also a large nonreligious population.

Slovakia was originally settled by Illyian, Celtic, and Ger-

manic tribes and was incorporated into Great Moravia in the

ninth century. It became part of Hungary in the 11th cen-

tury, but was conquered by Czech Hussites in the 15th cen-

tury, before being restored to Hungarian rule in 1526. The

Slovaks disassociated themselves from Hungary after World

War I (1914–18), joining the Czechs of Bohemia to form

the Republic of Czechoslovakia in 1918. In 1938, after

agreements with Britain and France, Germany occupied the

westernmost portion of Czechoslovakia, known as the Sude-

tenland. Russian and Czech troops began to liberate

Czechoslovakia in 1944. Following World War II

(1939–45), Czechoslovakia fell under Soviet domination

until the fall of the Czechoslovak socialist state in 1989 and

when Slovaks pressed their autonomy. In 1993, Czechoslo-

vakia peacefully split into two states—the Czech Republic

and Slovakia. Slovakia, with its less developed economy,

applied to join the European Union in 1995.

Most Slovaks entered the United States as a part of the

NEW IMMIGRATION

between 1880 and 1924, when mainly

young men came to work in mines and factories. Most,

however, eventually brought their families to settle. Exact

figures are difficult to determine, as Slovaks were listed as

Hungarians prior to 1899 and frequently as such thereafter

(see H

UNGARIAN IMMIGRATION

). The best estimates sug-

gest that between 450,000 and 500,000 Slovaks became per-

manent residents of the United States, with hundreds of

thousands eventually returning to their homeland. Follow-

ing passage of the restrictive J

OHNSON

-R

EED

of 1924,

all Czechoslovakian immigration averaged only about 600

per year until the fall of the Communist government, when

numbers slightly increased. From its independence in 1993

until 2002, Slovak immigration to the United States aver-

aged a little more than 600 per year.

The first significant Slovak immigration to Canada

came between 1900 and 1914, when about 5,000 came to

work in Rocky Mountain mines or in railway construction,

many of them migrating from Pennsylvania. During the

1920s and 1930s, another 40,000 came, often working as

farm laborers, domestics, or in the timber industry. Finally,

a relatively small number of highly educated Slovaks came to

Canada just after World War II and at the time of the Soviet

SLOVAKIAN IMMIGRATION 273