Darwin J. The Empire Project. The Rise and Fall of the British World-System, 1830-1970
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675 / Notes to pages 101–4
106. J. M. Crook, The Rise of the Nouveaux Riches (1999), p. 12.
107. See J. MacKenzie, The Empire of Nature: Hunting,
Conservation and British Imperialism (Manchester, 1988).
108. Crook, Nouveaux Riches,chs.1, 2, 4.
109. H. G. Wells, The New Machiavelli (1911), p. 59.
110. See R. McKibbin, ‘Why Was There No Marxism in Great
Britain’, English Historical Review, 99, 391 (1984), 297–331.
111. See G. Stedman-Jones, Outcast London: A Study in the
Relationship between Classes in Victorian Society (Oxford, 1971),
ch. 6. ‘The theory of urban degeneration’.
112. A persistent theme in Froude, Oceana.
113. See G. R. Searle, Corruption in British Politics 1895–1930
(Oxford, 1987).
114. J. Harris, Private Lives, Public Spirit: Britain 1870–1914
(Oxford, 1993), p. 12.
115. M. Pugh, The Tories and the People (Oxford, 1985), pp. 87–92.
116. Quoted in E. D. Steele, ‘Imperialism and Leeds Politics
c.1850–1914’, in D. Fraser (ed.), History of Modern Leeds
(Manchester, 1980), pp. 344–5.
117. G. Chisholm, Handbook of Commercial Geography (7th edn,
1908), p. 58.
118. H. Mackinder, Britain and the British Seas (1902), p. 4.
119. Ibid., p. 11.
120. Ibid.
121. W. C. Hutchinson (ed.), The Private Diaries of Sir Algernon
West (1922), p. 259: Ripon to Sir A. West, 26 January 1894.
122. Quoted in W. H. Parker, Mackinder: Geography as an Aid to
Statecraft (Oxford, 1982), p. 61.
123. See C. Erickson, Leaving England (Ithaca, 1994), ch. 3;H.L.
Malchow, Population Pressures: Emigration and Government in Late
Nineteenth-Century Britain (Palo Alto, 1979).
676 / Notes to pages 104–11
124. A. J. Hammerton, Emigrant Gentlewomen: Genteel Poverty and
Female Emancipation 1830–1914 (1979).
125. G. Wagner, Children of the Empire (1982).
126. Cmd. 7695, Report of the Royal Commission on Population
(1949), ch. 12.
127. The classic account is J. Roach, ‘Liberalism and the Victorian
Intelligentsia’, Cambridge Historical Journal, 13, 1 (1957),
58–81.
128. This transition is explained in E. T. Stokes, The English
Utilitarians and India (Oxford, 1959).
129. The key concept in Kidd, Social Evolution.
130. Hobson’s ‘anti-imperialism’ did not permit the ‘closed economy’.
131. Mackinder, Britain and the British Seas, pp. 348–9.
132. Rhodes House Library, Mss Afr s.228, C. J. Rhodes Papers, C
27, Milner to Rhodes, 6 August 1898.
133. B. Schwertfeger (ed.), Zur Europaischen Politik 1897:
Unveroffentliche Dokumente,vol.I,1897–1904 (Berlin, 1919), p. 32:
Memo by Belgian Foreign Office, 13 June 1898.
134. See N. Blewett, ‘The Franchise in the United Kingdom
1885–1918’, Past and Present, 32 (1965), 27–56; K. T. Hoppen, The
Mid-Victorian Generation 1846–1886 (Oxford, 1998), pp. 265–6.
The percentage was lower in Scotland and Ireland.
135. R. Shannon, The Age of Salisbury (1996), pp. 553, 556.
136. See D. A. Hamer, Liberal Politics in the Age of Gladstone and
Rosebery (Oxford, 1972), ch. 11.
137. Schwertfeger, Europaischen Politik,p.44: Memo by Belgian
Foreign Office, 29 August 1898.
138. See below ch. 6.
139. Speech at the Royal Colonial Institute, 31 March 1897. See
Robinson and Gallagher, Africa and the Victorians,p.404.
677 / Notes to pages 112–16
Chapter 3
1. I have adapted this term from W. K. Hancock, who derived it from
Adam Smith’s ‘great mercantile republic’.
2.PP1898 (344), Return of Public Income and
Expenditure . . . 1869–1898, pp. 10, 20, 21.
3. For a vigorous exposition of this, see D. C. North, ‘Conference
Summary’, in L. R. Fischer and E. W. Sager (eds.), Merchant Shipping
and Economic Development in Atlantic Canada (St John’s,
Newfoundland, 1982). See generally, D. C. North, Understanding the
Process of Economic Change (Princeton, 2005).
4. F. Knight, Risk, Uncertainty and Profit (Boston, 1921), p. 268.
5. Figures from W. Woodruff, The Impact of Western Man (1966),
p. 253.
6. D. Headrick, Tentacles of Progress: Technology Transfer in the
Age of Imperialism, 1850–1914 (1988), p. 105.
7. Woodruff, Impact,p.289.
8. Ibid., p. 313.
9. R. C. O. Mathews, C. H. Feinstein and J. C. Odling-Smee, British
Economic Growth, 1856–1973 (Stanford, CA, 1982), p. 433.The
figure for 1964 was 16.3%.
10. B. R. Mitchell, An Abstract of British Historical Statistics
(Cambridge, 1971), p. 334.
11. R. C. Michie, The City of London (1992), p. 72. For an account
stressing the diverse interests in the City, see M. J. Daunton, ‘Financial
Elites and British Society, 1880–1950’, in R. C. Michie (ed.), The
Development of London as a Financial Centre, 4 vols. (2000), vol. II,
pp. 355–6.
12. Woodruff, Impact,p.257.
13. Mitchell, Abstract,
14. M. Edelstein, Overseas Investment in the Age of High
Imperialism (1982), p. 48.
678 / Notes to pages 116–19
15. C. H. Feinstein, ‘Britain’s Overseas Investments in 1913’,
Economic History Review, New Series, 43, 2 (1990), 288–95.
16. Woodruff, Impact,p.154.
17. Michie, City,p.112.
18. Ibid., p. 113.
19. Ibid., p. 114.
20. D. Kynaston, The City of London: Golden Years, 1890–1914
(1995), p. 262.
21. A classic example was the firm of Brown, Shipley and Co. See
A. Ellis, Heir of Adventure: The Story of Brown, Shipley and Co.,
1810–1960 (privately printed, n.d.).
22. For Rothschilds, see N. Ferguson, The World’s Banker: The
History of the House of Rothschild (1998); for Barings, see P. Ziegler,
The Sixth World Power: A History of One of the Great Banking
Families, the House of Barings, 1762–1929 (1988).
23. See S. G. Checkland, ‘The Mind of the City 1870–1914’, Oxford
Economic Papers, New Series, 9, 3 (1957), 261–78.
24. For a recent study, see R. C. Michie, The London Stock Exchange
(Oxford, 2001).
25. Michie, City,p.134.
26. J. A. Hobson, The Evolution of Modern Capitalism [1894] (rev.
edn, 1926), p. 246. For Hobson’s views, see P. Cain, Hobson and
Imperialism: Radicalism, New Liberalism and Finance, 1887–1938
(Oxford, 2002).
27. C. Harvey and J. Press, ‘Overseas Investment and the
Professional Advance of British Metal Mining Engineers, 1851–1914’,
Economic History Review, New Series, 42, 1 (1989), 67–8;
‘The City and International Mining, 1870–1914’, Business History
32, 3 (1990), 98–119; J. J. van Helten, ‘Mining, Share Mania and
Speculation: British Investment in Overseas Mining 1880–1913’,
in J. J. van Helten and Y. Cassis, Capitalism in a Mature Economy
(1990).
679 / Notes to pages 121–2
28. For a graphic description of the speculative and disinformational
tendencies to be found in the City, see I. R. Phimister, ‘Corners and
Company-Mongering: Nigerian Tin and the City, 1909–1912’,
Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 28, 2 (2000),
23–41.
29. Checkland, ‘The Mind of the City’, pp. 265, 270, 278. For the
outlook of bankers, see Y. Cassis, ‘The Banking Community of
London, 1890–1914: A Survey’, Journal of Imperial and
Commonwealth History, 13, 3 (1985), 109–26.
30. Thus Salisbury dismissed the suggestion for diplomatic pressure
on Argentina at the time of the Barings crisis in 1890 as ‘dreams’.
H. S. Ferns, Britain and Argentina in the Nineteenth Century (Oxford,
1960), p. 468.
31. G. R. Searle, Corruption in British Politics 1890–1930 (Oxford,
1987), p. 13.
32. See Imperialism: A Study (1902).
33. Kynaston, Golden Years,p.383.
34. Ibid., p. 385.
35. J. F. Gilpin, The Poor Relation Has Come into Her Fortune: The
British Investment Boom in Canada, 1905–15 (1992), p. 11.
36. The classic expression of this is N. Angell, The Great Illusion
(1909).
37. For India’s place in Britain’s multilateral payments system, S. B.
Saul, Studies in British Overseas Trade 1870–1914 (Liverpool, 1960),
chs. 3, 8; B. R. Tomlinson, The Political Economy of the Raj
1914–1947 (1979), ch. 1.
38. A. J. Sargent, Seaways of the Empire (1918), ch. 1.
39. ‘England . . . is the telegraph exchange of the world. Every great
line of telegraph communication centres in this country’, remarked the
head of the Post Office telegraph department in 1893. R. W. D. Boyce,
‘Imperial Dreams and National Realities: Britain, Canada and the
Struggle for a Pacific Telegraph Cable, 1879–1902’, English Historical
Review, 115, 460 (2000), 57.
680 / Notes to pages 122–6
40. See the account in J. Schneer, London 1900: The Imperial
Metropolis (New Haven, 1999).
41. For a superb study, see J. Forbes Munro, Maritime Enterprise and
Empire: Sir William Mackinnon and His Business Network,
1823–1893 (Woodbridge, 2003).
42. By the time of Mary Kingsley’s visit in 1893, there was a weekly
steamship service from Britain to the West Africa ‘Coast’. See M.
Kingsley, Travels in West Africa [1897](4th edn, 1982), Appendix 1.
43. A recent account of this transaction is in A. Amanat, Pivot of the
Universe: Nasir al-Din Shah Qajar and the Iranian Monarchy
1831–96 (1997), pp. 424–5.
44. A classic study is M. Lynn, Commerce and Economic Change in
West Africa: The Palm Oil Trade in the Nineteenth Century
(Cambridge, 1997); see also C. Jones, ‘“Business Imperialism” in
Argentina: A Theoretical Note’, Journal of Latin American Studies, 12
(1980), 440ff.
45. R. Austen, African Economic History (1987), p. 275.
46. Ibid., p. 114.
47. K. O. Dike, Trade and Politics in the Niger Delta 1830–1885
(Oxford, 1956), is the classic study.
48. J. D. Hargreaves, Prelude to the Partition of West Africa (1966),
pp. 35–7.
49. M. Lynn, ‘The Imperialism of Free Trade: The Case of West
Africa c.1830–c.1880’, Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth
History, 15, 1 (1986), 22–40.
50.From£29 per ton in 1881 to just over £19 in 1888.J.D.
Hargreaves, West Africa Partitioned,volI,The Loaded Pause,
1885–1889 (1974), p. 252.
51. Goldie’s eccentric personality is sketched in D. Wellesley, Sir
George Goldie: A Memoir (1934), and his early career in J. Flint, Sir
George Goldie and the Making of Nigeria (1960).
52. Flint, Goldie,p.326.
681 / Notes to pages 127–31
53. Ibid., Appendix 2.
54. Bodl. RHL Mss Afr. S.1525, John Holt Papers, Box 4.
55. M. Perham, Lugard: The Years of Adventure 1858–1898 (1956),
p. 544.
56. Bodl. RHL Mss Afr. S.88, Scarbrough Mss 4: Lugard to Royal
Nigeria Company Council, 6 February 1897. If their losses had been
heavier, he told his main business partner, ‘we should not have had
enough troops left for the work’. Goldie to John Holt, 9 January
1897,Bodl.RHLMssAfr.S.1525, John Holt Papers Box 3.
57. Perham, Lugard 1858–98,p.168.
58. The best account is now J. Forbes Munro, Maritime Enterprise
and Empire: Sir William Mackinnon and His Business Network
1823–1893 (Woodbridge, 2003).
59. C. P. Groves, The Planting of Christianity in Africa, 4 vols.
(1948–58), vol. II, pp. 189–93. For Livingstone’s impact in Britain, see
chapter 1 above.
60. Bodl. RHL Mss Afr. 229, Rhodes Papers (Le Sueur): G. Portal to
F. Rhodes, 23 May 1890.
61. Bodl. RHL Mss Afr. S.106, Gerald Portal Papers: Portal
(Zanzibar) to Lord Salisbury, 15 August 1892; Mss Afr. S.113, Portal
Papers, Salisbury to Portal, 11 September 1892.
62. Munro, Maritime Enterprise,p.476.
63. See chapter 6 below.
64. R. Owen, The Middle East and the World Economy 1830–1914
(1981), pp. 192–9.
65. See the views of the financier Ernest Cassel, in Kynaston, Golden
Years,p.513.
66. D. A. Farnie, East and West of Suez: The Suez Canal in History
(Oxford, 1969).
67. See G. Baer, A History of Landownership in Modern Egypt
(1962).
682 / Notes to pages 131–3
68. See J. I. Cole, Colonialism and Revolution in the Middle East:
Social and Cultural Origins of Egypt’s ’Urabi Movement (Cairo,
1999).
69. R. Owen, Lord Cromer (Oxford, 2004), chs. 10, 11.
70. Baer, Landownership,p.67.
71. For this estimate, see Map 6,p.118 above.
72. For the Egyptian economy, see Owen, Middle East,ch.9.
73. J. Osterhammel, ‘British Business in China, 1860sto1950s’, in
R. P. T. Davenport and G. Jones (eds.), British Business in Asia since
1860 (Cambridge, 1989).
74. I. Bird, The Yangtse Valley and Beyond (1899), pp. 64ff.
75. For French calculation along these lines, see M. Meuleau, Des
pionniers en extr
ˆ
eme-orient: histoire de la Banque de l’Indochine
1875–1975 (Paris, 1990), p. 187.
76. Lo Hui-min (ed.), The Correspondence of G. E. Morrison, 2 vols.
(Cambridge, 1976), vol. I, p. 22: Morrison to J. O. P. Bland, 17
January 1898.
77. R. A. Dayer, Finance and Empire: Sir Charles Addis, 1861–1945
(1988), p. 37.
78. C.-K. Leung, China: Railway Patterns and National Goals (Hong
Kong, 1986), Appendix 1.
79. University of Toronto, Thomas Fisher Rare Books Library,
J. O. P. Bland Mss (Microfilm) reel 1: Bland to Burkhill, 13 April
1903 (I owe this to Robert Bickers).
80. F.H.H.King,The Hong Kong Bank in the Period of Imperialism
and War, 1875–1918 (Cambridge, 1988), pp. 345–6, 378, 404.
81. Morrison Correspondence,vol.I,p.241: Morrison to Bland,
9 December 1903.
82. N. Pelcovits, The Old China Hands and the Foreign Office (New
York, 1948), p. 270; L. K. Young, British Policy in China 1895–1902
(Oxford, 1970), p. 170.
683 / Notes to pages 133–7
83. King, Hong Kong Bank, pp. 4–11.
84. Ibid., p. 263.
85. R. A. Dayer, Finance and Empire: Sir Charles Addis 1861–1945
(1988), p. 57.
86. J. O. P. Bland Mss, Reel 15, Addis to Bland, 28 March 1906.At
this stage, Addis was the London manager of the Hong Kong Bank
and in close touch with the Foreign Office.
87. King, Hong Kong Bank,p.432.
88. For a contemporary lament along these lines, see J. O. P. Bland,
Recent Events and Present Policies in China (1912).
89. Dayer, Finance and Empire,p.63.
90. King, Hong Kong Bank,p.517.
91. For the general setting, see L. Bethell (ed.), Spanish America after
Independence c.1820–c.1870 (Cambridge, 1987), chs, 1, 2; Tulio
Halperin Dongi, The Contemporary History of Latin America (new
edn, 1993), ch. 4, offers a brilliant survey.
92. See F. B. Pike, Spanish America 1900–1970: Tradition and Social
Innovation (New York, 1973), pp. 15–18; J. Moya, Cousins or
Brothers: Spanish Immigration to Buenos Aires 1850–1930 (1998),
pp. 50–1.
93. For this argument, see D. C. M. Platt, ‘Dependency and the
Historian: Further Objections’, in C. Abel and C. M. Lewis (eds.),
Economic Imperialism and the Latin American State (Cambridge,
1985), p. 36.
94. Mitchell, Abstract, pp. 322–23.
95. For this figure, see I. Stone, ‘British Long-Term Investment in
Latin America, 1865–1913’, Business History Review, 42, 3 (1968),
311–39.InhisThe Global Export of Capital from Britain 1865–1914
(Basingstoke, 1999), p. 351, the figure for ‘capital called’ (i.e. raised
publicly on the Stock Exchange) is c.£800 million.
96. See D. C. M. Platt (ed.), Business Imperialism: An Inquiry Based
on British Experience in Latin America (Oxford, 1977).
684 / Notes to pages 137–8
97. Bodl. Mss Bryce 267. This was Bryce’s draft of his subsequent
book on his Latin American travels.
98. See R. Graham, Great Britain and the Onset of Modernisation in
Brazil (Cambridge, 1968), pp. 90–1.
99. See D. Joslin, A Century of Banking in Latin America (1963),
pp. 39–42.
100. H. Blakemore, British Nitrates and Chilean Politics, 1886–1896:
Balmaceda and North (1974).
101. For Pearson, see D. J. Jeremy (ed.), Dictionary of Business
Biography 5 vols. (1984–6); G. Jones, ‘Weetman Pearson’, Oxford
Dictionary of National Biography; F. Katz, The Secret War in Mexico
(Chicago, 1981).
102. For the Bolivar Railway, see L. V. Dalton, Venezuela (1912),
pp. 172, 255.
103. D.C.M.Platt,Latin America and British Trade (1972), p. 298.
104. See R. Miller, ‘The Grace Contract: British Bondholders and the
Peruvian Government, 1885–1890’, Journal of Latin American
Studies 8, 1(1976), 73–100.
105. M. Zeitlin, The Civil Wars in Chile (Princeton, 1984), p. 80.
106. P. R. Calvert, The Mexican Revolution of 1910–1914: The
Diplomacy of Anglo-American Conflict (Cambridge, 1968), p. 20.
107. P. Winn, ‘Britain’s Informal Empire in Uruguay in the
Nineteenth Century’, Past and Present, 73 (1976), 112.
108. Platt, British Trade,p.294.
109. Winn, ‘Informal Empire’, p. 112.
110. Graham, Brazil,p.66.
111. Carlos F. Diaz Alejandro, Essays in the Economic History of the
Argentine Republic (1970), ch. 1.
112. United States Department of Commerce, Railways in South
America, 2 vols. (Washington DC, 1926), vol. I, p. 13.
113. Platt, British Trade, pp. 288–9.