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685 / Notes to pages 138–40
114. Department of Commerce, Railways,vol.I,p.35.
115. Ibid., p. 60.
116. W. P. McGreevey, An Economic History of Colombia
1845–1939 (Cambridge, 1971), p. 97.
117. Bodl. Mss Milner 2: Dawkins to Milner, 4 January 1892.
118. Ibid.: Dawkins to Milner, 30 July 1893.
119. Graham, Brazil, pp. 102–5.
120. Ferns, Britain and Argentina, pp. 446ff.; Kynaston, Golden
Years,ch.21.
121. Zeitlin, Chile,p.99.
122. Mss Milner 2, Dawkins to Milner, 16 October 1893.
123. Ferns, Britain and Argentina,p.468.
124. For the concept of ‘structural power’, see S. Strange, States and
Markets (1988), ch. 2; A. G. Hopkins, ‘Informal Empire in Argentina’,
Journal of Latin American Studies, 26 (1994), 469–84.
125. Zeitlin, Chile,p.116.
126. Kynaston, Golden Years,p.85.
127. Graham, Brazil, pp. 103–5; N. Ferguson, The World’s Banker: A
History of the House of Rothschild (1998), pp. 869–71.
128. Joslin, A Century of Banking,p.111.
129. Bodl. Mss Milner 2, Dawkins to Milner, 4 January 1892.
130. Calculated from Sargent, Seaways.
131. Ibid., p. 104. Eighty-five per cent of outward cargoes to Brazil
were coal.
132. C. R. Enock, The Republics of Central and South America
(1913), p. 497.
133. J. R. Scobie, Argentina: A City and a Nation (1971), p. 32.
134. Moya, Cousins or Brothers,p.173.
686 / Notes to pages 141–6
135. M. Wilkins, A History of Foreign Investment in the United
States to 1914 (Cambridge, MA, 1989), p. 157.
136. Calvert, Mexican Revolution,p.22: Minute by Sir Edward Grey,
23 August 1910.
137. Jones, ‘Business Imperialism and Argentina’, p. 440.
138. Moya, Cousins or Brothers,p.364.
139. Enock, Republics,p.497.
140. R. Bickers, ‘Shanghailanders: The Formation and Identity of the
British Settler Community in Shanghai, 1843–1937’, Past and Present,
159,(1998), 179–80.
141. J. Barnes and D. Nicholson (eds.), The Leo Amery Diaries,
Vol. I, 1896–1929 (1980), p. 47: L. S. Amery to Milner, 20 June
1903.
142. See T. O. Ranger, Revolt in Southern Rhodesia 1896–97 (1967),
chs. 2, 3; I. R. Phimister, Wangi Kolia: Coal, Capital and Labour in
Colonial Zimbabwe 1894–1954 (Johannesburg, 1994).
Chapter 4
1. See J. S. Martell, ‘Intercolonial Communications, 1840–1867’, in
G. A. Rawlyk (ed.), Historical Essays on the Atlantic Provinces
(Toronto, 1967), p. 177.
2. Earl Grey, The Colonial Policy of Lord John Russell’s
Administration [1853] (repr. New York, 1971), pp. 34–5.
3. See J. Mouat, ‘Situating Vancouver Island in the British World,
1846–49’, BC Studies, 145 (2005), 25.
4. Thus the powerful voice of the railway promoter Edward Watkin
in 1861 proclaimed Canada’s future as ‘a great British
nation . . . extending from the Atlantic to the Pacific’. A. A. Den Otter,
The Philosophy of Railways: The Transcontinental Railway Ideal in
British North America (Toronto, 1997), p. 113.
5. An idea most fully developed in J. A. Froude, Oceana (1887).
687 / Notes to pages 147–52
6. That it sold 80,000 copies in its first three years may be an
indication of this. See J. Parry, The Politics of Patriotism: English
Liberalism, National Identity and Europe, 1830–1886 (Cambridge,
2006), p. 342.
7. There were several variants to describe Canada’s links with Britain:
this was the commonest.
8. Speech in Canadian Parliament, 8 February 1865,inP.B.Waite
(ed.), The Confederation Debates in the Province of Canada, 1865
(Toronto, 1963), p. 79.
9. See G. F. G. Stanley, The Birth of Western Canada: A History of
the Riel Rebellions [1936] (Toronto, 1961).
10. See W. L. Morton, Manitoba: A History (Toronto, 1957).
11. See M. L. Hansen and J. B. Brebner, The Mingling of the
Canadian and American Peoples (1940), vol. I, pp. 183–4.
12. See G. Stewart, The Origins of Canadian Politics (Vancouver,
1986). The classic study of Macdonald remains D. Creighton, John A.
Macdonald: The Young Politician (Toronto, 1952) and D. Creighton,
John A. Macdonald: The Old Chieftain (Toronto, 1955).
13. See R. W. Cox, ‘The Quebec General Election of 1886’ (Master’s
thesis, McGill University, 1948).
14. See P. Crunican, Priests and Politicians: Manitoba Schools and the
Election of 1896 (Toronto, 1974), pp. 310–16.
15. Goldwin Smith, Canada and the Canadian Question (1891).
16. O. A. Howland, The New Empire: Reflections upon its Origins
and Constitution and its Relation to the Great Republic (Toronto,
1891).
17. Howland, New Empire,p.363.
18. Ibid., p. 360.
19. Ibid., pp. 424, 513.
20. In a speech at Montreal in 1875. ‘A British subject I hope to die’
was his actual phrase. See Creighton, John A. Macdonald: The Old
Chieftain,p.206.
688 / Notes to pages 152–5
21. ‘The example which he gave to the whole world shall live for
ever’, said Laurier on Gladstone’s death in 1898. Speech in Canadian
House of Commons, 26 May 1898, NAC, Mss Laurier (microfilm)
C-1178.
22. Howland, New Empire,p.363.
23. M. Evans, Sir Oliver Mowat (Toronto, 1992), pp. 201–2, 261ff.
24. See P. Currie, ‘Toronto Orangeism and the Irish Question,
1911–1916’, Ontario History, 87, 4 (1995), 397–409. The strength of
Orangeism is referred to frequently in Laurier’s political
correspondence.
25. For Willison, see A. H. U. Colquhoun, Press, Politics and People:
The Life and Letters of Sir J. Willison (Toronto, 1935).
26. D. J. Hall, Clifford Sifton (Toronto, 1981), vol. I, p. 95.
27.In1901, 91 per cent of its population was of British origin; in
1911, 28 per cent were British born. M. Careless, Toronto to 1918
(Toronto, 1984), pp. 158, 202.
28. C. Oreskovitch, Sir Henry Pellatt: King of Casa Loma (Toronto,
1982).
29. M. Bliss, A Canadian Millionaire: The Life and Times of Sir
Joseph Flavelle 1858–1939 (Toronto, 1978).
30. See Sir R. Falconer (president 1907–32) to Sir J. Flavelle, 23
October 1913, Colquhoun, Willison,p.186.
31. See R. Fleming, The Railway King of Canada: The Life of Sir
William Mackenzie (Vancouver, 1991).
32. Careless, Toronto,p.150. For Walker’s views on the role of the
banks in making a ‘national’ economy, see his speech at Saratoga in
1895. University of Toronto, Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, Mss
B. M. Walker, Box 6.
33. Mss Walker Box 7, Glazebrook to Milner, 12 April 1906.
34. Mss Laurier C 769, Wilfrid Laurier to J. Cameron, 14 October
1899. Cameron was editor of the London Advertiser in Western
Ontario.
689 / Notes to pages 155–7
35. Mss Laurier C 769, Cameron to Laurier, 12 October 1899.
36. NAC Mss Henri Bourassa (microfilm) M-722, Bourassa to
Laurier, 18 October 1899.
37. La Presse, 14 October 1899, cited in D. Morton, ‘Providing and
Consuming Security in Canada’s Century’, Canadian Historical
Review, 81, 1 (2000), 11.
38. Mss Bourassa M-721: N. A. Belcourt to Bourassa, 21 October
1899.
39. Mss Bourassa M-722: Laurier to Bourassa, 2 November 1899.
40.Some7,000 Canadian volunteers served in the Boer War.
41. For the Quebec nationaliste alarm, see R. C. Brown and R. Cook,
Canada 1896–1921 (Toronto, 1974), pp. 136–9.
42. Mss Laurier C-1178, Speech 17 February 1890.
43. Colquhoun, Willison, pp. 131, 137, 148.
44. Brown and Cook, Canada 1896–1921,p.168.
45. R. Cook, The Politics of John W. Dafoe and the Free Press
(Toronto, 1963), p. 37.
46. See J. Levitt, Henri Bourassa and the Golden Calf (Ottawa,
1969), pp. 8–11, 64ff.
47. C. Murrow, Henri Bourassa and French Canadian Nationalism
(Montreal, 1968).
48.Some1.5 million immigrants arrived between 1900 and 1914.
49. P. F. Sharp, The Agrarian Revolt in Western Canada
(Minneapolis, 1948), pp. 22–3, 25, 28.
50. Sharp, Agrarian Revolt,p.75.
51. Mss Laurier C-899: Laurier to J. F. Clark, 5 February 1911.
52. For this view, NAC, MG 27 11 D 10 A: Mss F. D. Monk, vol. I,
Bourassa to F. D. Monk, 28 February 1911.
53. Hall, Clifford Sifton, vol II, p. 229.
690 / Notes to pages 158–61
54. R. D. Cuff, ‘The Toronto Eighteen and the Election of 1911’,
Ontario History, 57, 4 (1965), 169–80; for Lash’s fierce criticism,
Mss Laurier C 899, Lash to Laurier, 10 February 1911.
55. Montreal Star, 4 February 1911, Copy in Mss Laurier C 899.
56. NAC, Mss Clifford Sifton (microfilm) C 590, T. W. Crothers to
C. Sifton, 25 September 1911.
57. Mss Walker Box 9, W. L. Grant to Walker, 15 November 1911.
58. Mss Walker Box 32, Address to Canadian Women’s Club,
Toronto, 7 March 1911.
59. Mss Sifton H-1014, Statement by Sifton, 22 September 1911.
60. Mss Laurier C 907, Laurier to Botha, 8 November 1911.
61. Mss Laurier C 907, Botha to Laurier, 29 September 1911.
62. On which Carl Berger’s classic study concentrates. See C. Berger,
The Sense of Power: Studies in Canadian Imperialism (Toronto,
1970).
63. E. Shann, An Economic History of Australia (Cambridge, 1930),
p. 234. Shann was a free trader of conservative outlook.
64. N. G. Butlin, Investment in Australian Economic Development
1861–1900 (Cambridge, 1964), p. 9.
65. T. A. Coghlan, Labour and Industry in Australia (Oxford, 1918),
vol. IV, p. 1234.
66. Ross Fitzgerald, A History of Queensland from the Dreaming to
1915 (paperback edn, St Lucia, 1986), p. 179.
67. G. Blainey, The Rush that Never Ended (paperback edn, Carlton,
Vic., 1969), chs. 14, 20.
68. See G. Davison, Marvellous Melbourne (Melbourne, 1978).
69. G. Blainey, The Tyranny of Distance (paperback edn, South
Melbourne, 1966), p. 259.
70. Coghlan, Labour and Industry, vol. IV, p. 2317.
71. Blainey, Tyranny,p.279.
691 / Notes to pages 161–4
72.Just3 per cent of inter-continental migrants in 1815–1920 were
attracted to Australia and New Zealand. B. Dyster and D. Meredith,
Australia in the International Economy in the Twentieth Century
(Cambridge, 1990), p. 20.
73. Butlin, Investment,p.6.
74. See J. W. McCarty, ‘Australian Regional History’, Historical
Studies, 18, 70 (1978), 88–105.
75. P. Loveday and A. W. Martin, Parliament, Faction and Party
1859–1889 (Melbourne, 1966), pp. 152–3.
76. Coghlan, Labour and Industry, vol. III, p. 1649.
77. K. Buckley and T. Wheelwright, No Paradise for Workers
(Melbourne, 1988), p. 196.
78. Fitzgerald, Queensland,p.319; M. McKenna, The Captive
Republic: A History of Republicanism in Australia 1788–1996
(Cambridge, 1996), pp. 178–9.
79. Fitzgerald, Queensland,p.317.
80. Buckley and Wheelwright, No Paradise, pp. 137–8.
81. Buckley and Wheelwright, No Paradise,p.196; R. Markey, The
Making of the Labor Party in New South Wales (Kensington, NSW,
1988).
82. F. K. Crowley (ed.), A New History of Australia (Melbourne,
1974), pp. 240–1; Buckley and Wheelwright, No Paradise,p.214;
P. Grimshaw et al. (eds.), Creating a Nation 1788–1990 (Melbourne,
1994), p. 188.
83. McKenna, Republic,p.153; Markey, Labor Party, pp. 296,
304–5.
84. Coghlan, Labour and Industry, vol. IV, p. 2318.
85. Howland, New Empire,p.363.
86. For Australian sub-imperialism, see R. C. Thompson, Australian
Imperialism in the South Pacific (Melbourne, 1980).
692 / Notes to pages 164–7
87. See memo for prime minister Deakin, 6 March 1907:
‘Uninterrupted sea communications is a sine qua non for
Australia . . . Australia, whenever her coasts are closed, must “stop
work”.’ N. Meany (ed.), Australia and the World (Melbourne, 1985),
p. 165.
88. C. E. Lyne, The Life of Sir Henry Parkes (London, 1987), p. 492.
89. Ibid., p. 495.
90. Ibid., p. 494. For Parkes’ equation of federation and imperial
unity, see his speech at the Australasian federation conference at
Melbourne in 1890, in C. M. H. Clark (ed.), Select Documents in
Australian History 1851–1900 [1955] (paperback edn, London,
1977), pp. 475–6.
91. It was a time, remarked the Melbourne Age, for ‘large
aggregations’. H. Irving, To Constitute a Nation: A Cultural History
of Australia’s Constitution (Cambridge, 1997), p. 29.
92. L. Trainor, British Imperialism and Australian Nationalism:
Manipulation, Conflict and Compromise in the Late Nineteenth
Century (Cambridge, 1994), p. 141 n.45. Deakin became the leading
political figure in Victoria; Barton was influential in New South
Wales. Both were to be federal prime ministers.
93. Irving, Nation, pp. 64ff.
94. Ibid., pp. 204–5.
95. Ibid.,p.160. Kingston was premier of South Australia.
96. Trainor, British Imperialism,p.158.
97. See W. G. Osmond, Frederic Eggleston: An Intellectual in
Australian Politics (Sydney, 1985), p. 53, for Deakin’s hopes for an
educated, professional elite. Acording to C. M. H. Clark in A History
of Australia,vol.V,1888–1915 (Melbourne, 1981), p. 293, Deakin
was an Anglican who thought that empire stood between Australia
and revolution. In fact, by contemporary British standards, Deakin
was a radical who found Charles Dilke the most sympathetic of
British politicians.
98. For Labor suspicions, see Clark, Select Documents,p.494.
693 / Notes to pages 167–8
99. G. Davison, ‘Sydney and the Bush: An Urban Context for the
Australian Legend’, Historical Studies, 18, 71 (1978), 191–209.
100. The Sydney Bulletin was established in 1880 as a weekly, and
achieved a circulation of 80,000 by 1890. Apart from its
racial-radical-republican politics, it made a point of publishing the
work of local writers. Its editor from 1886 to 1902 was the republican
J. F. Archibald. See G. Serle, From Deserts the Prophets Came: the
Creative Spirit in Australia 1788–1972 (Melbourne, 1973), pp. 60–1.
101. Irving, Nation,p.132.
102. For the link between racism and egalitarianism, see Terry Irving,
‘Labour, State and Nation-building in Australia’, in S. Berger and A.
Smith (eds.), Nationalism, Labour and Ethnicity 1870–1939
(Manchester, 1999), p. 214.
103. C. N. Connolly, ‘Class, Birthplace, Loyalty: Australian Attitudes
to the Boer War’, Historical Studies, 18, 71 (1978), 221.
104. See, for example, the opinions of J. F. Archibald and Rolf
Boldrewood in I. Turner (ed.), The Australian Dream (Melbourne,
1968), pp. 270, 142.
105. For the panic over a declining birth-rate, which led to the
appointment of a Royal Commission, see C. L. Bacchi, ‘The
Nature-Nurture Debate in Australia 1900–1914’, Historical Studies,
19, 75 (1980), 200.
106. Connolly, ‘Class, Birthplace, Loyalty’, pp. 213–17.
107. From Deakin (see J. A. La Nauze, Alfred Deakin (Melbourne,
1965), vol. II, p. 482)totheBulletin (Meany (ed.), Australia,p.145).
108. See chapter 7.
109. Australia, it was remarked in the Colonial Office, was
‘ill-qualified to deal with native questions’. Meany (ed.), Australia,
pp. 192ff.
110. For the angry reaction of the (London-based) Australian
Mercantile Land and Finance Company (employing a capital of
around £2.3 million) to the absentee land tax imposed by the Labor
694 / Notes to pages 168–70
government in 1910, see J. D. Bailey, A Hundred Years of Pastoral
Banking (Oxford, 1966), p. 200.
111. L. V. Harcourt (Secretary of State for the Colonies) to Sir A.
Bigge, 28 December 1910. Bodleian Library, Mss L. V. Harcourt 462.
Sir Arthur replied that Fisher could attend the coronation in ordinary
dress but would have to wear court dress at any court function.
112. New Zealand’s population in 1854 was 33,000;in1864,
172,000;in1871, 267,000;in1878, 471,000;in1891, 624,000;in
1911, 1,006,000.
113. The classic account is Andrew Hill Clark, The Invasion of New
Zealand by People, Plants and Animals [1949] (Westport, 1970).
114. See K. Sinclair, A Destiny Apart (Auckland, 1987), p. 108.
115. William Pember Reeves, The Long White Cloud: Ao Tea Roa
(London, 1898), p. 5. This was the most widely read and influential
history of New Zealand until the 1950s. See E. Olssen, ‘Where to
from Here?’, New Zealand Historical Journal, 26, 1(1992), 57.
116. See F. E. Maning, Old New Zealand: A Tale of the Good Old
Times (1863). For a modern use of the term, see J. Belich, Making
Peoples: A History of the New Zealanders (London, 1996), pp. 187ff.
117. See P. Burns, Fatal Success: A History of the New Zealand
Company (Auckland, 1989); P. Adams, Fatal Necessity: British
Intervention in New Zealand 1830–1847 (Auckland, 1977).
118. What the Maori chiefs thought they had agreed to has become
the central controversy in the history of colonial New Zealand. See
Claudia Orange, The Treaty of Waitangi (Auckland, 1987).
119. See M. Mackinnon (ed.), New Zealand Historical Atlas
(Auckland, 1997), Plate 12, for the probable extent of grassland in
1840.
120. For the growth (and later decline) of a Maori trading and
agricultural economy near Auckland, see P. Monin, ‘The Maori
Economy of Hauraki 1840–1880’, New Zealand Journal of History,
29, 2 (1995), 197–210.