Dixon R.M.W., Aikhenvald Alexandra Y. The Amazonian Languages (Cambridge Language Surveys)
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335
\
334
Mary Ruth Wise
1
In Yagua if the subjects are ditrerent a finite verb
is
used in the complement with
I
a non-coreferential person-marking clitic, as in (48).
(48) (Doris
L.
Payne and
T.
E.
Payne 1990: 337)
I
[hiwjaataJ [tsuunúúj)
hij-wii.:lta tsa-hunúúj
Tomáása
2sg-want 3sg-look Tom
'Do
you want Tom
to
look/writeT
In Yagua, infinitival nominalizations have adverbial functions also.
are suffixed with a postposition and person-marking clitics (equivalent to possessor
reference), as in (49-50).
If
subject reference is omitted, it
is
understood that the
of
the infinitive
is
the same as that
of
the main
verbo
(49) (Doris
L.
Payne and
T.
E.
Payne
1990:
337)
tsatsíímjaa
hímjuutjaanúhU-níí
tsa-tsííj-maa
hij-himúútja-hanu-hG-níí
3sg-run-PERFv
COREF-help-INF-ADLATlvE-3sg
'He
has run to help him.' (lit. 'he, has run towards
hím/)
(Doris
L.
Payne and
T.
E.
Payne
1990:
337)
[ja]
[síHij]
[siimbjeenúhújura]
hij-a
ts[Uij
tsa-himjij-hanu-hU-ju..rá
2sg-1RR
give
3sg-eat-lNF-ADLATIVE-COREF-INAN
'Give it to him to eaL' (lit. 'give it to towards
his¡
The Yagua coreference
c1itics
indicate 'coreference with a previously mentioned
subject, possessor
or
object
of
postposition within the same clause
...
Part
of
the
function
of
the set II [suffixal] coreference
cHtie
is
to indieate reflexivity and reci-
procity' (Doris
L.
Payne
and
T.
E. Payne
1990:
361).
and
Jivaro, on the other hand, have subordinating verbal suffixes
which indicate coreference
Ol"
lack
01'
il,
Le.
switch-reference, re!ative to the agent or
of
the adverbial subordinate c1ause and that
of
the matrix clause.
In Chayahuita, switch-reference suffixes occur only
in
subordinate verbs with third
pcrson agents
or
subjects,
as
shown
in
table
12.14
(from H.
Hart
1988:
489)
with the
sequential action, subordinate forms
of
Ihe intransitive verb
sakatirin
'to work'.D
Switch-reference systems are highly developed in Jivaro languages. Long chains
of
subordinate c1auses occur. Larson (p.c.) reports a complete
narrative
consisting
of
136
subordinate
c1allses,
including embedded dlll¡ogue.
13
The morphemescould
be
broken down furlher but (he whole does not always equal the sum
of
the
parts.
12
Smalllanguage families and isolates
in
Peru
Table 12.14
Chayalmita
switch-reference sliffixes
Singular
Pluml
sakato-wato
excl
sakato-watoi
dual
sakato-waü?
inc!
sakato-watiwa?
2
sakato-watan
sakato-watama?
3
SS
sakato-waton
sakato-watona?
DS
sakalo-watfin
sakato-watfina?
same
or
different agen!
or
subject; these are followed by one independent c\ause.
A
person marker occllrs in the verb, and the subordinating suffixes also
mark
tempo-
ral and
or
logical relations.
The
subordinate c\auses are marked
by
-k(
a)
'topic
marker'
ir
they are part
of
the main event
lineo
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Datos Etno-Lingüísticos
33
(microfiche). Lima:
Instituto Lingüístico de Verano,
1916. 'Sustantivos verbales y frases de sustantivos verbales en amarakaeri',
Datos Etno-
Lingtiísticos
50
(microfiche). Lima: Instituto Lingüístico de Verano.
1995.
Diccionario Amarakaeri-Castellano,
Série Lingüística Peruana, 34. Pucallpa:
Instituto Lingüístico de Verano.
Trudell,
B.
1993,
Be)'ond
tire
bilingllal classroom: literaey acqllisition among Peruvian Amazon
cOl11l11l1llities,
SIL and the University
of
Texas at Arlington Publications
in
Linguistics,
117.
Dalias: SIL and University
of
Texas at Arlington.
Tuggy,
1.
1966,
Vocabulario
Candoshi
de
Loteto.
Série Lingüistica Peruana,
2.
Pllcallpa:
. Instituto Lingüístico de Verano.
1916.
'Candoshi: datos fonéticos',
DalOS
ElIIo-Lingüisticos
53
(micro
fiche).
Lima: Instituto
Lingüístico de Verano.
1981.
'A
discoursc phonology
01'
Candoshi',
Discol/rse Pho/lology,
Research
Papers
of
lhe
Texas
sn,
10.5-28.
1992. 'Algunos aspectos de la morfofonémica del eandoshi',
pp.
322-37
nf
Estudios Elno-
Lingüisticos1I.
ed.
S.
Parker, Documento
de
Trabajo, 23. Pucallpa: Instituto Lingüístico
de Verano.
TlIggy,
S.
1982.
'Las seeuencias temporales y lógicas en candoshí'. pp.
37
..
·75
of
Conjunciones
yo/ros
nexos
en
tres
idiomas Amazónicos.
ed. M. R, Wise and H. Boonstra. Série
Lingüística Peruantt.
19.
Pucallpa: Instituto Lingüístico de Verano.
Turner, G,
D.
1958. 'Alternatíve phonemicizing in Jivaro',
IJAL,
24.87-94.
1958. 'Jibaro phonology and morphology', Ph.D. thesis, Indiana University.
1992.
Ulla
brel'e
gramática del Shuar,
Cuadernos Etno-Lingüísticos,
19.
Quito: Instituto
Lingüístico de Verano.
Velie,
D.
1975. 'Comparative word list
of
Cahuarano', in
Listas comparativas
de
palabras
usuales
en
idiomas
1'l'tllóCl/los
de
la
selva,
ed. M. Jakway, Lima: Instituto Lingüístico de
Verano.
ViIlarejo.
A.
1988. Asl
es
la se/va, 4th edn. lquitos: Centro
de
Estudios Teológicos
de
la
Amazonia de Iquitos.
Walton, James,
1977.
'Participant referencc
and
introducers
in
Muinane clause
and
para-
\
340
Mar)' Ruth Wise
i
graph'. pp. 45-65
of
Discourse
gmmmm7
sludie.
in
indigenolls
languages
of
Colombia,
I
PClIlama,
and
EClladO/;
part
3, ed. R. E. Longacre and
F.
Woods, SIL Publications
in
Linguistics
and
Related Fields, 52(3). Dalias: SIL.
Walton, James
and
Janice
P.
Walton.
1967.
'Phonemes
of
Muinane', pp.
37-47
of
Phonemic
systems
of
Colombialllallguages,
ed.
V.
Waterhouse, SIL Publications
in
Linguistics.
14.
Norman: SIL
and
University
of
Oklahoma.
1975.
Una
gramática
de
la
lengua
Muinane.
Bogotá: Ministerio de Gobierno.
Wipio, G.;
rev.
by A. Paati and
M.
Jakway.
1996.
Diccionario Aguaruna-Caslellano,
Caslellano-AguGruna,
Série Lingüística Peruana,
39.
Lima: Instituto Lingüístico de
Verano.
Wise, M. R.
1993.
'Algunas interrogan tes en la clasificación de las lenguas indígenas sudamer-
icanas', paper presented al the 10th International Congress
of
the Asociación de la
Lingüística y la Filología de la América Latina.
1996.
'Las
lenguas záparo familia que se extingue', paper presented al the 11th
International Congress
of
the Asociación de la Lingüística y la Filología
de
la América
Latina.
Wise,
M, R.
and
Stewart,
A.
(eds.)
1981.
Cohesión
y
enfoque
en
textos.v
discursos,
Série
Lingíiística Peruana,
17.
Pucallpa: Instituto Lingüístico de Verano.
13
Other small families and isolates
ALEXANORA
y.
AIKHENVALO
ANO
R. M.
W.
OIXON
The other small families
and
isolates are grouped
in
this chapter, according to the
country
in
which most
of
their speakers are located; sorne spill over into a nearby
natíon. Table
13.1
summarizes the languages, estimated number
of
speakers and
approximate locations, These locations are given on map
12.
(A number
of
other lan-
guages, now extinct, on which little
or
no information
is
available, are not listed hereY
1
BRAZIL
There are about
170
indigenous languages
in
Brazil. They belong to about
20
lan-
guage famíliea and are spoken
by
approximately 155,000 people (A.
D.
Rodrigues
1986).
Languages from Ihe larger families are discussed elsewhere
in
this
volume-
Carib in chapter
2,
Arawak in chapter 3, Tupí in chapter
4,
Tupí-Guaraní in chapter
5,
Macro-Je
in
chapler
6,
Tucano
in
chapter 7, Pano
in
chapter
8,
Makú in chapter
'9,
Nambiquara
in
chapter
10
and
Arawá
in
chapler
11.
Languages
of
the
Chapacura family, Ihe Yanomamí dialect cluster,
and
isolates Trumai, Mura-
Piraha, Jabutí, Máku and Aikaná are spoken exclusively
in
Brazil. Their typologi-
cal properties are briefly discussed here.
1.1
Yanomami
The Yanomami
(al
so known as Yanoarna, Yanomami-Waicá, Xirianá or
Guaharibo) are one
of
the largest groups
of
non-acculturated tropical forest
Indians in northern Brazil
and
in southern Venezuela (Migliazza 1972; Tovar
and
De
lavar
1984:
Lizot
1988:
489). Yanomami constitutes a dialect continuum
I
Special thanks go lo Niidia Pires,
rol'
providing information
on
Jabuti, HenI'Í Ramirez
rol'
dala
on
Yanomami, Hein van der Voort
fol'
dala on Koaia and Ione Vasconcelos,
fOf
ínfor-
mation on Aikaná. §13.L2, on Trumai.
i8
a condensation, by Ihe authors,
of
matel'ials
writlen by Raquel Guirardello.
We
are grateful
to
Paul Frank, Francisco Queixalos, Terry
Malone,lanel
Barnes and Tim Curnow
ror
commenting
on
a previous draft
of
this chapler.
343
342
Alexandra
Y.
Aikhenva/d and
R.
M.
W.
DL"(on
I
I
60°
1000
km
!
O~_---I
__
10°
)8
Map
12
Smalllanguagc
families and isa lates
of
Brazil, Bolívia,
Colombia
and
Venezuela with
approximate locations
which could be regarded as making up a single language. There are four main dialect
groups as set out
in
table 13.1.
Local groups
or
villages identify themselves with names ending
in
-theri
'dwelJ-
ers of,
vi1lage
of'.
This morpheme
is
suffixed to names
of
mountains,
or
rivers,
or
places named lor particular vegetation
or
animals,
e.g.
Jama-ta-i-theri
(tapir-place-
river-people) 'Xamatauteri'
Ca
group
of
Yanomami: Ramirez 1994),
aiw;rt/¡;rtheri
(aiw;rmountain.place-people)
'a
group
of
Yanam (on the Quaimi River, upper
(Migliazza
1972:
32-3).
13 Otiler
small
¡amilies
and
isolates
Table 13.\
Minor
languages
and
isolates (Languages
for
which no linguistic
infol'matiotl is available are
marked
will!
* )
BRAZIL
1 Yanomami dialect cluster
la
Yanomami
(or
Yanoami.
Yanomae),
c.
15,000.
There
is
a
northern
subdialect in the
Padamo
river basin; a
central
one
on Ihe Ocamo, Manaviche
and
upper
Orinoco
rivers;
and
a southern
one
south
of
the Orinoeo
up
lo
the headwaters
of
the
Marauia
and
Cauaburí.
1 b Yanomam,
c.
3.000.
There
is a northern subdialeet
around
lhe
upper
Uraricuera
and
lower
Parima
rivers; a central one
on
the
upper
Parima
river
and
Ihe headwalers
of
the Orinoco; a
southern
one
in Ihe
Calrimaní
and
Demení river basins;
and
pos-
siblya
fourth on Ihe
Upper
Ajaraní river.
le
Yanam
(or
Ninam),
c.
360.
Its
soulhero subdialect is spoken on the Mucujaí river,
and
Ihe norlhern variety is
10C'ated
on the
upper
Uraricaá
and
Paragua
rivers.
Id
Sanuma
(or (T)santma),
c.
500
in
Brazil
and
c.
1,500 in Venezuela.
One
subdialect
is
on
the
Caura
river
up
to
the Brazilian border;
anolher
is
on
Ihe Erevalo-Ventuari
rivers;
and
Ihe third is in Ihe Auarís river basin.
2 Trumai.
c.
50. Spoken in the Xingu reserve, on the Curisevo river, a tributary
of
Ihe
Xingu
river.
3
Mura-Piraha,
e. 250. Maici river (off Ihe Marmelos river.
off
Ihe
Madeira
river),
Amazonas.
4 Jabuti (Quipiu.
or
Jeoromílxi),
c.
60 people
in
the indigenous area
of
Guaporé,
Rondónia
(Ihe oearby langllage Arikapú,
\Vith
JUSI
a few speakcrs, may
be
c10sely geoeli-
cally rclated).
5
Chapacura
family
5a Wari'
(or
Oro
Wari,
Pakaa
Nova, Pacaas Novos), c. 1,800. Along lhe tributaries
of
the
Paeaas
Novo.
river
and
other
tributuries
of
lhe
Mamoré
river.
Rondónia
(dialects include
'Oro
Nao'
and
'Oro
Eu').
5b
Oro
Wio,
c.
40.
Around
¡he headwaters
01'
the
Paeaas
Novos river, Rondónia.
Se
Urupá,
c.
150.00
the
Urupú
river, Rondónia.
5d Tllrá,
c.
250.
On
!he
Marmelos
and
Paricá rivers,
and
on
the Posto Cabeya
d'anta,
Amazonas.
Se More, spoken
by
a
few
people
io
Rondónia
and
in Eastern Bolivia.
A few more exlinct languuges belooging to Ihis family
are
mentioned by LOllkolka
(1968: 160-2).
6
Máku,
3 spcakers in 1964.
Amuod
¡he
Uraricuera
civer, Romima.
7
Aikaná
(or
Tubarao,
Huarí,
Masaká;
Kasupá
and
M undé),
c.
120. To the easl
of
the
Upper
Pimenta Bueno, Roodónia.
8 Koaia (Kwa3a. Arara), spoken by a
few
people who live together with lhe
Aikaná.
9 *Irantxe (Mynky,
Münkü),
c.
190.
On
lhe
Upper
Juruena,
Mato Grosso.
10
*Sape (Caliana), 5 speakers
in
1964.011 lhe
Upper
Paraguá
and
ils tributary
Caroni;
Soulh
VenezuelalBrazíl
border
(Migliazza 1978a).
*Uruak
(Awaké), 5 speakers in 1964.
On
lhe
Upper
P!uaguá
and
Uraricaá
rivers,
Veoezuela/Brazil
border
(Migliazza 1978a).
12
?Katukina,
a family whieh ineludes Kanarnarí,
c.
600;
Katukioa
do
Biá,
c.
250;
Txunhua-djapá,
c.
30;
and
Kalawixí, c.
10.
Arouod
the
Upper
Juruá,
Iutaí
and
Javarí,
Amazonas
(A.D. Rodrigues 1986).
I
345
1
344 Alexandra
Y.
Aikhenva/d and
R.
M.
W.
Dixon
Table
13.1
BOLIVIA
13
Tacana family
13a
Araona,
c.
80. Around the headwalers
of
Manuparí river.
13b
Cavineña
(or
Kavina, Kavineño),
c.
2,000. Sourh-easr
of
Riberalta,
alon!,!
the Beni
river.
13c
Tacana,
C.
3,500. On the Beni
and
Madre de Dios rivers (some
of
the Tacana
dialects were called Tiatinagua
Girard
1971:
19).
13d
Ese Eja
(or
Ese1ejja, Chama, Tiatinagua, Huarayo, Tambopata-Guarayo; different
names may correspond
10
different dialects - Girard
1971:
19-20),
C.
600-50, on the
Beni
and
Madre de Dios rivers; (and
c.
250-400 in the regions
of
Tambopata and
Heath rivers around Maldonado
in
Peru).
13e
Reyesano (San Borjano; also known as Sapibocona, Maropa; possibly Warisa -
Girard
1971:
18-20; these names may correspond to dífferent dialects), probab!y
extinct. Around 1,000 members
01'
the ethnic group reside
in
Beni Department,
around San
Bo
rja.
Other Tacana languages, possibly extinct, inelude (Girard 1971: 17-20; Loukotka
1968:
174-6):
131'
Arasa. formerly spoken on the Marcopata and Arasa rivers;
\Jg
Mabenaro, formerly spoken
on
the Manuripi river.
14
Cayuvava (Cayubaba, Cayuwaba), neady extinct. Formerly spoken west
of
Mamoré
river
and
1I0rth
of
Santa Ana (there are reported to be 900 peop!e
in
the ethnic group).
15
Itonama (Machoto, Sramo),
C.
100
(al1
bilingual
in
Sp¡¡nish).
Itonama
river.
16
Movima,
c.
1,000. Around Santa Ana
on
the
Y¡¡cum¡¡
river.
COLOMBIA
17
GlIahibo family
17a Gu¡¡hibo
(or
Sikuani),
c.
20,000. Eastern Metá and Víchada and across the border
in Venezuela.
17b
Guayabero,
c.
800. On Guaviare river.
17c
Cuiba
(or Cuiba-Wámonae),
c.
2,000. Casanare, Arauaca, Vichada
and
across the
border
in
Venezuela.
17d
Macaguán
(or
Jitnu),
C.
180.
In lhe Department
of
Arauca, bordering Venezuela.
17e
Playero,
c.
15Q...60.
Arauca river, betwecn Arauqita
and
Arauc-a.
18
Sáliba-Piaroa putative famil)'
18a *Piaroa.
c.
80
in
Colombia
and
c.
12.000
in
Venezuela. South bank
01'
Ihe
Odnoco
river, inland from the Paguasa river to Manipiari, Amazonas.
18b Sáliba.
C.
2,000. The Eastern Plains along the Mela ¡¡nd Casan aré rivers and across
the border
in
Venezuela.
19
Andoké,
c.
75-100. Tlle tributaries
of
the Caquetá.
20
*Puinave.
c.
2,000. Inírida river (and
C.
240 across the border
in
Venezuela).
VENEZUELA
21
Yarllro (al' Llarllru, Pumé, Yuapin),
C.
2.000-3,000.
On
¡he Orinoco, Meta
and
Apure
rivers,
in
the slates
of
Amazonas
and
Apure.
22
Warao
(or
Guarauno.
Guarao),
C.
18.000.
On
Ihe delta
ul'
the Orinoco ríver.
23
*Hoti
(01'
Hodl, Yuwana, Waruwaru, Chicano),
C.
300-500. On lhe Kaima ríver
in
Amazonas,
and
on
tributaries
of
tlle Asita
and
Manapiare rivers.
13 Ot/¡er small families and iso/ates
The dialects are lexicaJly very close, San urna being the most divergent. The
average number
of
lexical cognates on a 200-word list
13
70--80%;
the dialects share
95%
of
their grammaticalmorphemes.
The Yanomami
live
in a mountainous jungle area
of
difficult access, away from
main rivers. They
Iive
in
small communities each
of
20 to 350 people, spread over a
total area
of
about 200,000 square kilometres.
Means
of
subsistence are hunting,
gathering and slash-and-bum agricul-
ture. The Yanomami are known as
fierce,
dangerous pea pie and are feared
by
their
(Chagnon 1992; Lizot 1988). They are reported to practise ritual can-
nibalism; when an important person dies, their body
i5
bumt, then the bones are
crushed in a pestle and mixed with banana mash. A feast
IS
made to which people
cóme from distant Yanomaini villages. At this feast, men and children consume the
mash
and
take hallucinogenic
The Yanomami are constantly engaged in
intervillage warfare; they are known to raid neighbouring villages,
50metimes
killing all the men, and capturing women and children.
The first contact with Europeans
is
reported
to
have been after 1800 (Migliazza
1985:
27). A
few
missions have been established in Yanomami-speaking commu-
nities, starting from 1950. Sínce 1970, their territories have been under constant
threat
of
being invaded
non-indigenous settlers. In recent years the Yanomami
on the Venezuelan-Brazilian border have suffered the effects
of
a massive gold fush
(starting from
1987,
see Gomez 1990:10). The number
of
Yanomami has fallen
drastically during the past
few
decades.
The
Yanomami are mostly monolingllal, with a rertain degree
of
polyglossía
in
different Yanomami diaJects (Migliazza 1972). A ritual Iingua franca, called
'wayamo',
is
spoken between people from different villages, mostly on festive occa-
sions
(1972:
47-58). About a quarter
of
Sanuma speakers are bilingual with
Yekwana (or Dekwana), a Carib langllage. Nowadays, men tend to know sorne
Portuguese
or
Spanish.
The information available on Yanomami langllages varíes
in
quality
and
in quan-
t~ty.
Migliazza
(1972)
provides an excellent description
of
the Yanomami dialect
continllum, cast
in
a generative framework. Difl'erent varieties
of
Yanomami are
described by Ramirez (1994)
and
Lizot (1996); there
is
a good grammar
of
San urna
Borgman
(1990);
and a short study
of
Yanam by Gomez (1990).
(AH
the exam-
pies are from Yanomami unless indicated otherwise.)
1.1.1
Phonology
There are seven vowels -
i,
e,
(1,
o,
!I
plus high-central i and mid-central
;:¡.
The con-
sonant system
is
given
in
table 13.2.
In Yanam,
!I
has fallen together with
i.
There
i8
regressive
vowel
assimilation
347
346
Alexandra
Y.
Aikhenvald and
R.
M.
W.
Dixon
Table 13.2
Yanomami consonaflls
[n
all
tour
groups:
Yanomami
also
has:
Yanomam
also
has:
Sanuma
also
has:
Yanam
also
has:
stop
p,
1,
k
fricative
s.
h
J
eJ
J
affricate
Ih
tJ
ts
nasal
m,n
flap
glide
w,y
across
morpheme
boundaries, Vowels are weakened in a non-accented word-final
position
and
may be deleted.
Syllable
structure
is
(C¡)(C
)V.
The
at
C¡C
2
are
pr, kr, mr,
11/:
Primary
2
stress
is
assigned
to
Ihe penultimate syl1able
of
a
and
secondary stress
to
every
altemate
syllable before that.
Every
morpheme
is
either intrinsically nasal,
or
intrinsieally oral
1972: 157-9). A nasal root spreads its nasality
onto
an
intrinsieally oral suffix pro-
vided that
it
does
not
start with a stop
or
a fricative. There is
no
nasality spread
onto
a clitic. Roots consist
of
two moras. Lexical items which contain three
or
more
moras
are interpreted as containing a two-mora root
and
one
or
two fossilized der-
ivational aflixes.
The
following morphemes are longer
than
two moras; their third
syllable, which
starls
with a
stop
and
thus 'blocks' nasalization from spreading,
is
treated as a suffix:
¿¡repo
'termite',
miJluJti
'idiot',
maheko
'knee' (Ramirez 1994:
68-70).
1.1.2 Word structure
and
word c1asses
Yanomami
is
suf'fixing
and
predominantly head-marking with elements
of
depen-
dent-marking.
lt
i5
highly polysynthetic. Open c1asses are nouns and verbs; adjec-
tival cOl1cepts
are
expressed with stative verbs.
Pronouns
and
demonstratives
are
similar to
nouns
in
that
they take the same case markers.
There
are
five
demonstra-
tives, the choice
01'
which depends
011
distance from the speaker
and
rrom the hearer,
and
on
the visibility
of
the object.
1.1.3 Nominal categories
There
is
a distinetion between alienable
and
inalienable possession. Alienable pos-
session
is
marked
by simple juxtapositioll
of
terms, e.g.
Sanuma
kamisa sai-a
house-sg)
'my
house'
(Borgman 1990: 128). Inalienably possessed body parts are
obligatorily
incorporated
inlo the verb. are positioned befare the verbal root,
13 Otller small ¡amilies
ami
iso/ates
after
the
cross-referencing markers.
(la)
shows
the
incorporated noul1
ha
'head
01";
(1
b)
i8
ungrammatical (Ramirez
(la)
fama
ja-he-va-ma
tapir
I sg-head-eat-PAST
'1
ate tapir's head.'
(1
b)
>1<
Jama
he
ja
va-ma
Ir
a
noun
fUl1ctions as a predicate, the body
part
is
eneliticized to it, as in
(2)
Jama-he
tapir-head
'This
is
a
head.'
Possessive relations can also
be
marked
with independent
pronouns
or
1 st
and
2nd person possessive suffixes (1st
-.id,
2nd -lid).
3rd
person possessor is marked by
a clitic
-e,
or
by incorporating
the
possessed
noun,
with a suflix
-pi,
onto
the
verbo
Case markers are c1iticized to
the
last word in
an
NP.
They are
-ni
'ergative
animate nouns); instrumental (with
inanimate
nouns)';
-Jo
'associative with'; alld a
oblique case with
the
foltowing forms:
-ha
'inanimate, non-peripherie
, -i-ha
'animate, non-peripheric
(near)',
-ha-mi 'inanimate, peripheric (far)',
-i-ha-mi
'animtlte, peripheric (far)'. This
is
used
to
express a variety
of
meanings
(locative, directional, addressee, agent
of
causative, comparative - see Ramirez
1994: 193-200;
and
the
comparison
of
case markers in Migliazza 1972: 331).
In
(3),
-ihil
marks
the beneficiary.
varo-p;:¡-iha hiima ja-e-kipi-hip;:¡-ke-ma-he
man-PL-BENEFICIARY
dog I sg-oBL-DL-give-Foc-PAST
-3pJ.OBL
'1
gave the two
dOll:s
to
the
men.'
1.1.4
Classifiers
There
i8
a rich 8ystem
01'
verbal cJassifiers;
some
dialects are reported
to
have over
100. C1assifiers categorize the
S,
as in (4),
or
lhe
0,
as in
(5);
they are obligatory
and
appear
immediately before Ihe verb root
(Ramirez
1994: 127).
(4) kori una-y;:¡-i
erest
CL:CREST-flY-DYNAMIC
'rhe
erest (bird) flew away.'
(5)
kori-una-pa-ni
mau
u-koa-f-he
crest-CL:CREST
-PL-ERG
water cL:LlQum-drink-DYNAMlc-3pl.
ERG
'rhe
erests (birds)
drink
water.'
349
348
Alexandra
Y.
Aikhenvald and
R.
M.
w:
Dixon
In (5) the verb ineludes the 'liquid' classifier, referring
to
the O argument. In (4)
the verb ineludes a classifier referring
to
the
S
argument; this is a 'unique' classifier
used just for 'crest' (a type
of
bird). In verbless c1auses, c1assifiers are postposed to
the predicate noun, as
in:
parava-u
river-cL:L1QulD
'This is a river.'
Sorne examples
of
classifiers are
ko
'round';
si
'objects with large surface, palm
trees'; ma
'hard
objects';
ki
'snakes';
p~
'turtles';
ti
'liquid', etc. Classifiers can co-
occur with the plural marker
-p;;¡,
but
not
with the singular rnarker
-a.
They are also
llsed on nouns, e.g.
kori-una-pa
(crest-CL:CREST-PL) 'crests'. Most classifiers
originate in body-part terms.
1.1.5
Grammatical relations
AH
Yanomami dialects have ergative case marking. In addition, the verb always
cross-references
A
and
O
of
a transitive,
and
S
of
an
intransitive clause.
In (7), suffix
-he
cross-references an
NP
in the A function (marked with the erga-
tive case),
viiro-p~,
while the enclitic
-a
cross-references the O, absollltive
(Ramirez p.c.).
(7)
va ro-p;¡-nt¡\
Jama
o
a-nia-rna-he
man-PL-ERG
tapir SG:ABS-shoot.arrow-PAsT-3pl.ERo
'The
men shot arrows
at
althe tapir.'
In
(8),
the absolutive ('tapir') is unmarked,
and
is
cross-referenced on the verb
with absolutÍve
a.
(8)
Jamas
a-tokll-ma
tapir
SO:ABS-run-PAST
'The
taoir can away.'
Cross-referencing markers indicate person
and
number (singular, dual
or
plural)
of
A,
and
just
number for O
or
S.
The distinction between inclusive
and
exclusive
ror
1st
person pronoun has been lost in Yanam
and
Yanomam.
Oblique constituents (most often the beneficiary) can also get cross-referenced
on
a transitive
verbo
In (3) the oblique marker he, formalIy identical with the 3pl erga-
tive marker, cross-references the addressee ('men') on the verb (further discussion
is
in Ramirez 1994: 315).
Yanam (Gomez
1990:
48ff.,
129)
is reported to have a split-ergative system
depending on thesemimtics
of
NPs. In agreement with the Nominal Hierarchy, there
13
OtIJer
small families and isolates
is
a nominative-accllsative system ror first
and
second person singular pronollns.
The ergative marker
is
obligatory with third person free pronouns
and
with nouns.
1.1.6
Verb structure
Verbs may be intransitive, transitive, ambitransitive
of
type S A
or
ambitransitive
of
type
S
=
o.
Verbal morphology is extremely complicated. There are more than
twenty positional classes
of
proclitics (cf. Ramirez
1994:
lOOff.)
and
over twenty
positional classes
of
suffixes. Example shows a complex with four proclit-
ies
and
eight suffixes.
(9)
Jama
e-kt-pata-r;¡..hore-pi-pra-ma-re-h;¡ri-no-ve-i
OBL-DI
,-AUGMENTATI
VE-
TOPIC-
rush.off-DL-
DISCONTINUOUS-
CAUS-TELIC-D1RECTIONAL-ACCOMPLISHED-AFFIRMATIVE-
EYEWITNESS
'making two
tapirs rush away'
Proclitics are preposed
to
the verb
but
postposed
to
the no un in a verbless cJause.
They incJude pronominal cross-referencing, c1assifiers, number
of
S/O
(dual,
collective), incorporated body parts, sorne evidentiality, modality, aspect, topic
and
focus markers, a diminutive
and
an augmentative.
The
proclitic
km
marks a comitative type
of
applicative. The verb
root
hu-
'walk'
is intransitive, while
küi-Im-
'walk with'
is
transitive, as in:
(10)
Hiteraw<l ja-klii-hu-i
Isg-ERO
Hiteraw<l
Isg-coMIT-Walk-DYNAMIC
'I
am
walking-with Hiterawa.'
Verbal sllffixes are used to mark number, causative, tense-aspect (perfective,
dynamic, continuous, iterative, habitual, etc.), direction
and
negation. An intransit-
ivizer
-o
is
use¡j to form reflexives, e.g.
nía-
'shoot';
nia-o
'shoot [arrow] at oneself'.
Causative -ma can be lIsed
on
any verb (transitíve
or
intransitive).
Ir
this suffix
is
added toa·transitive verb, the causer takes the ergative case, the O remains O,
and
the underlying A
i8
marked with the peripheral clitíc
(-jha).
Example (11) shows a
doub1e causative (Ramirez 1994: 247).
(11
)
Hiterav;¡.iha ihifU ja-e-hiima-r;¡r;l-ma-ma-re-ma
HiteraV;¡-PERIPHERAL
chíld Isg-oBL-dog-rlln-cAus-CAUS-TELlC-
PAST
'1
let Hiterav;¡ make the dog
of
a child
run.'
Yanomami has a four-term evidentiality system. 'Eyewitness' is shown by a
suffix,'deduced' and
'reported'
by procJitics,
and
'assumed' by a combination
of
.
351
350
Alexandra
Y.
Aikhellvald and
R.
M.
W.
Dixon
,
procJitic plus suflix. Sanuma (Borgman 1990: 165-73) has a three-term system, with
'eyewitness', 'verificatíon' and 'supposition', while Yanamjust has 'eyewitness' and
'non-eyewitness'. Different evidentiality markers are used
ín
the three dialects,
perhaps indicating a relatively late development
of
evidentials (al so see Migliazz
a
1972:
268).
1.!.7
Noun
incorporation
and
verb compounding
Any noun in S or
O
function can be incorporated into the verb to mark a topically
continuous participant which
is
not
in
focus (Ramirez 1994: 385). Compare (12),
without incorporation, and (13), where the direct object, 'axe',
is
incorporated.
does not affect the transitivity
01'
the verb.
ja-puhi-i
l
sg-ERG
axe 1
sg-want-DYNAMIC
'1
want anlthe
axe:
(13)
the
axe:
Verb compounding
is
very productive. Compounded verbs consist
of
an índepen-
den! verb root followed by a bound verb root
in
a modifying fUlletion, e.g.
kiJ
'do
again'
in
(14)
(Ramirez
1994:
330--47). Bound verb roots
cannot
form a predicate
themselves.
(14)
ja-p;¡-naka-i-k6-0
1 sg-PL-call-oYNAMlc-do.again-INTR
'1
called them again.'
1.1.8
Syntax
The unmarked constituent order
is
AOV,
SV There are no copula verbs. Yanomami
has considerable rreedom
in
the order
of
core and obligue nominal constituents
within a clause.
In
Sanuma, constituent order displays ergative characteristics.
Using X to indicate a peripheral constituent, the preferred order
is
AXOV,
XSV,
Le.
S and O pattern together, oceurring between X and V
Demonstratives, quantifiers, Illlmerals and classifiers precede the head noun,
while adiectival modifiers follow it.
Subordination
is
marked with verbal suffixes; some
of
these
sllffixes
indi-
cate switch-reference. Relative clauscs foilow Ihe head. In Yanomam, Yanam and
Sanlllna a nominalizer can al50
mark
the predicate
of
a relative
c1ause
or
01'
a com-
clause. Thus (MigliazzaI972:
waro-n
man-ERG
on lhe funetions
of
a
cOIIlIIlon
argumento
(16)
ulu
my son
'My
sons who are
verb, the predicate takes
-i
'relativizer' as in:
lipa hoose
my
í
a
REL
1.2
by
the early
19905.
However,
erations.
The first vocabulary
01'
Trumai
go
NEG
FUT
here
will
not
go:
J
3
Other small families
alld
iso/ates
fama
fira-wei ware-ma
tapir
kill-REL
eat-coMPL
'The
man who killed the tapir ate
it:
San urna also has a relative pronoun
J.
This dialect
is
reported to have internalIy
headed relative c1auses; the main
c1ause
contains a pronoun coreferential with the
common argumento See (16), from Borgman (1990: 133). There are no restrictions
k6k6 lo-le]
i
k6k6
hu
mai kite
3pl
sit-PRES
The type
of
marking
of
a relative c1ause depends on its predicate.
If
the predicate
of
a relative c1ause
ís
an active verb, the relative pronoul1 can be omitted,
-\Vi
'relativizer, nomínalizer' is used.
Ir
the predicate
of
the relative verb
is
a stative
a pata tape
epi-i1
younger.brother 3sg
AUGMENTATIVE
tall
INTENSIVE-RELZR
niha sa
te
toto-ki ke
3sg to Isg 3sg give-Foc
IMM.PAST
'1
gave it to [lit. 'him'] my younger brother who
is
ta1l.'
Trumai
by
Raquel
Guirardello
The Trumai say
that
they ca me from the south-east jnto tbe
Upper
Xingu regíon
(see
chapter
15) within quite recent times. They provide
an
unusual example
of
reviva!. Trumai numbers were reported
to
be 43 in 1928,
25
18
in 1952, then
21
in
1963
and over 100 (including many
about
half
01'
the ethnic
Trumai speak the language today. There has been
a
great deal
of
with
people from
other
Xingu tribes, allied to the fact
that
the
other
con-
sider Trumai
'too
hard' a language
to
learn. Owing to contact with a
government post, most young people have switched
to
Portuguese.
It
is
not
that the language will continue
to
be spoken for more
than
another couple
01'
gen-
was taken down by von den Steinen (1886).
Monod-Becquelin (for example, 1975, 1976) attempted sorne grammatical analysis.
Guirardello (1992)
is
a workman-like preliminary statement
of
the phono1ogy
and
morphology which
will
be refined
in
Guirardello (forthcoming).
352
353
Alexandra
Y.
Aikhenvald and
R.
M.
W.
Dixon
Table \3.3
Trwnai
consonants
labio- palato-
bilabial dental dental alveolar alveolar palatal velar glottal
voiceless stops p
k
?
voiceless ejective stops
r
t'
k'
voiced stop
d
voíceless affricate
ts, ts'
fricatives
s
J
x
h
nasal s
m
n
lateral
I
lateral fricative
4
tap
approximants
w
y
1.2.1
Phonology
structure
is
(C)V(C). Stress goes
011
the last syllable
of
a word. There are
six vowels:
i.
e,
a,
o,
11
plus high central
i.
The consonants are set
out
in
table
13.3.
Notable features are the four ejective stops and affricates and the lateral fricative
(these are not found
in
any other Xingu language). There
is
a language death
nomenon - sorne
yOllng
speakers make no distinction between
and
ejective
stops and affricates.
1.2.2
Features
of
the grammar
There are open
c1asses
of
noun (inclllding pronollns
and
demonstratives), verb,
adjective and adverb and
c10sed
classes
of
auxíliary, postposition, number/quan-
tifier, particle, subordinate dause marker and interjection.
Pronouns are analysable into root:
ha
(lsg
and ln.sg.excI),
ka
(ln.sg.incI),
hi
or
in-
(3);
plus zero (sg),
a
(dI) or
wan
(pI). 3sg has distinct masculine and feminine
forms. Demonstratíves
'this'and
'that' are based on 3rd person pronouns.
Trumai
is
a dependent-marking language. An
NP
in
S
and
O fllnction takes no
marking and there are postpositiolls for ergative (A function), dative, locative, alla-
tive, ablative, instrumental and comitative (the ergative, dative and locative markers
are encliticst Verbs
fall
into four c\asses: plain intransitive (obligatory S argument),
plain transitive (A
and
O), extended intransitive
(S
and
and
extended tran-
sitive (A, O
and
dative). Verbs
in
the extended inlransitívec\ass include 'eat', 'drink',
'see', 'like'
and
'talk with'. There are two verbs 'kili'
-fa
which
is
extended intran-
sitive and
disi
which
is
transitive.
Trumai has
HUle
morphology. There are no TAM suffixes to the verb, reference
to time beíng expressed through adverbs. There are post-verbal particles marking
13 Other smallfamilies
and
iso/ates
oegation, causatíon and emphasis. Negation
is
shown by
anllk
in
copula
and
tak
in
non-copula clauses. There
is
a 3rd person enclitic
-nl-e
(referring to an argument in
S
or
O functíon) which
is
attached to the right
of
the verb phrase; interestingly, this
cannot
CO-QCcllr
with a negative marker.
For alienable possession the possessor bears the genitive suffix
-k(
a)te
and
pre-
cedes the possessed,
e.g.
Kwnaru-kte tahu
'Kumaru's knife'. Inalienable possession
can be shown just
by
apposition, e.g.
dinoxo
kuf'the
gírl's hair',
ha
kuf'my
hair'.
When
a third person (anaphoric) possessor pronoun
is
employed, inalienably pos-
sessed nouns subdivide into two classes. There
is
a prefix
on kin terms, e.g.
tsi-
pine
'his/her cousin'; and there
is
an
enclitic
-aki
(or
-ea
preceding a postposition)
on body-part nouns and also names lar clothing, home, shadow, name and pet,
e.g.
kuJ-ake
'his/her hair',
kilJ-ea letsi
'with hislher hair'.
The basic clausal constituent order
is
SV,
AOV,
with a dative NP followillg the
verb.
If
the S
or
O NP does
not
immediately precede the verb, a particle
ke
must be
included after the
verbo
In contrast, an A
or
dative
NP
can be moved around
without any post-verbal marking. Within an NP, quantifiers and possessors precede
and adjectives follow the head. Within coordinate constructions, coreferential dele-
lion can operate on an
S'"
O
or
S""
A basis, suggesting a pragmatic (ratber than a
syntactic) pivot.
The causative
of
a transitive clause has a most ullusual structure, in which botb
lhe causer and the A
of
the underlying verb take ergative marking (the ergative
enclitic
is
-ts
after
Isg
and
-(
ela)k
elsewhere).
(18)
Alaweru-k hai-ts axos disi ka
Name-ERG
Isg-ERG
child +
ABS
beat
CAUS
'Alaweru made me beat the child.'
1.3
Mura-Piraha
The Mura tribes had a
tUIlIUItUOllS
history, and speak an
un
usual language.
Unfortunately, fhere are many points
of
uncertainty concerning both.
Some nineteenth-century sources state that the
Mura
originated on the Andes
in
Peru
and
travelled down the Amazon to escape the yoke
of
civilization
source
says:
of
the Incas; another states:
of
the Spanish). Other sources maintain that the
Mura onginated on the lower Madeira nver. After the original tribes on the Amazon
were
eliminated by the Portllguese, through enslavement and disease, the Mura
expanded
and
are said to have extended from lhe Trombetas river up
lo
the border
with Peru. Estimates
of
their population al the time
al80
vary from 30,000
or
to 60,000
or
more.
The
Mura were a fierce tribe, lIsing guerrilla tactics ol' .
ambush to terrorize other tribes and also Portllgllese invaders. They made peace with