
employment. He agreed to follow a macroeconomic plan along these
lines, laid out for Peru by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and
he surrounded himself during his first months in office with experts
and academics.*
While Toledo’s economic program had success insofar as the
Peruvian economy as a whole grew during his first two years in office
at an annual rate of around 5 percent, surpassing most other South
American countries, the jobs he had promised at his inauguration failed
to materialize, and everyday Peruvians saw little or no improvement in
their lives. Many Peruvians also were opposed to the Toledo govern-
ment’s neoliberal, free-market policies and IMF agreement. The first
major sign of unrest came in June 2002, when strikes and riots broke
out in Arequipa over a proposal to privatize two local power stations.
Toledo declared a temporary state of emergency in the city and tried to
stifle the protest, but in the end, the government had to rescind the pri-
vatization plans.
Throughout the balance of 2002 and into the first months of 2003,
protests and anger over several economic and political issues continued
to grow, reaching a boiling point in March 2003. During the 1990s, the
Peruvian government had succeeded in curtailing coca production, but
when the government of neighboring Colombia launched a U.S.-
financed campaign against coca growers in 2000 and 2001, the pressure
forced producers back into Peru. Peruvian farmers began to assert
themselves politically, and in the spring of 2003, they brought pressure
on Toledo’s government with demonstrations and protest marches.
Coca farmers challenged the long-standing U.S.-supported government
program to suppress coca growing in the eastern jungle provinces. The
farmers argued they were not involved in producing illegal drugs but
rather were only following centuries-old indigenous traditions by rais-
ing the mildly narcotic coca, even though the plants indeed provided
the raw material for the manufacture of cocaine. Toledo’s popularity
continued to plummet, and by May 2003 his approval ratings in
national polls had fallen to 15 percent.
A widespread crisis developed late in the same month, when teach-
ers, public employees, farmers, and health workers went on strike,
shutting down transportation, public service, and health care in several
regions. The strikers demanded salary increases from the government,
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NEW STRUCTURES AND FUJIMORI
*Author’s note: Many of my former colleagues at the Catholic University in Lima and the
Institute of Peruvian Studies, the largest private research institute in the country, served from
2001 to 2002 at the side of President Alejandro Toledo, governing the country and hoping to
build a better future for Peru. In 2003, they were replaced by more “loyal” political cadres.